In a critical opinion piece, Maren Laterveer warns that the government's interference with the declining birth rate in the Netherlands could lead to a loss of women's rights, with traditional role patterns and anti-abortion sentiments being normalized in the political debate. (translated)

In his opinion piece, Jasper J. van Dijk states that the municipal health insurance policy for low-income individuals is ineffective because many municipalities do not offer it or contribute insufficiently, putting equal access to healthcare under pressure and making a national solution necessary. (translated)

It was unpleasant to watch... 🇵🇱 Poland starts the Nations League with a 0-0 DRAW against Bosnia and Herzegovina! At times it was better. At times it was worse. But overall... IT'S NOT GOOD 🙃 OPINIONS ⤵️ https://t.co/kuaCyKfrSX (translated)
"A fifth of the opinion pieces in Dutch newspapers come from a language model." (translated)
The opinion section of NRC is increasingly examining the use of artificial intelligence in submissions, trying to ensure that the texts are authentic and human, despite a significant percentage of written texts showing a certain degree of AI influence. (translated)

Someone in the Kremlin has pressed the button "Threatening with nukes": extreme left and extreme right are now saying the same thing. That a war with a nuclear power cannot be won. I've been repeating it for 4 years: Russia will invade the Baltics and immediately threaten with nukes if Article 5 is triggered by NATO. What is happening now is preparing public opinion in Europe through their useful idiots. Also in the Netherlands. In the coming time, our experts will again be waving "Putin is going nuclear, we have to be careful." Aside from the fact that there are countless examples of countries with nuclear weapons losing wars against a group of untrained individuals. With the U.S. being the most recent example: Washington spent $2,313,000,000,000, fought alongside the UK and France (2 other nuclear powers) but in the end, the Taliban won. In short: the Kremlin does not even need to use its nuclear weapons if just the word nuclear is enough to move part of Europe towards capitulation thinking. (translated)
WARNING!!! A lie!!! The announcement of the District Prosecutor's Office in Warsaw about the dismissal of proceedings against Lech Wałęsa on September 24, 2026, will be the subject of more than one analysis in the future. I want to draw attention only to its final fragment, which illustrates the scale of manipulation, foul play, or plain ignorance of the prosecutor's office. At the end of the announcement, we read that: "The only witness who directly testified that Lech Wałęsa was TW 'Bolek' was the late Edward Graczyk. He made such a statement only during his last interrogation. However, the prosecutor deemed it completely unreliable, not only in light of his previous contradictory statements but also considering the opinion of the psychologist who participated in his last interrogation and noted his tendency to confabulate due to organic dementia disorders. Above all, however, the prosecutor reached such a conclusion in light of a note prepared by Edward Graczyk on February 16, 1971, which was revealed in the case files of the Provincial Office of Internal Affairs in Gdańsk with the codename "Autumn 70," from which it followed that Lech Wałęsa did not begin cooperation as a secret collaborator, which is why further control of his activities was proposed." The first lie is that Graczyk was the "only witness" who testified in the investigation that Wałęsa was "Bolek." This is a glaring untruth. I have repeatedly quoted the records of the investigation of the Białystok branch of the prosecutor's office of the IPN and even published fragments of the interrogations of SB officers who directly identified Wałęsa as "Bolek" in my book "Wałęsa. The Man with the File" back in 2013 (13 years ago!!!). It is enough to quote the testimony of Maj. Jerzy Frączkowski from June 2, 2009 (case file no. S 49/08/Zk, pages 718-719): "As part of my official duties, I dealt with the file of TW 'Bolek'. The materials indicated that this was Lech Wałęsa. It was a personal file. I remember that this file was sent to Warsaw probably in 1988. I dealt with this file in previous years. We became familiar with this file as Wałęsa rose to positions of power in labor unions. This must have been around 1980. At that time, I worked with Zenon Ratkiewicz, who handled TW 'Bolek'. This file definitely contained a note from the recruitment interview, there were obligations of the TW, and there were handwritten receipts for the receipt of money." In the same investigation referenced by prosecutor Żurek, Capt. Romuald Chlaszczak added (file no. S 49/08/Zk, statement from June 2, 2009, page 721): "In the summer of 1983, my superior Major Andrzej Sieniuc handed me a sealed envelope marked 'open only at the direction of superiors.' I was to keep it. Sieniuc said that this was Wałęsa's personal file. The file was with me for a day or two, and I was instructed to send it back to the Bureau of Studies in Warsaw. The file had previously arrived in Gdańsk from the Bureau of Studies. It was a personal file of a secret collaborator. From what I heard, this file circulated between Warsaw and Gdańsk. In previous years, it was said in the department that Wałęsa was a secret collaborator." I could go on like this almost endlessly... but one thing is certain: the prosecutor's position that "the only witness who directly testified that Lech Wałęsa was TW 'Bolek' was the late Edward Graczyk" is a blatant LIE!!! And the question of the second lie is even more important! In the prosecutor's statement, reference was made to an alleged note prepared by Edward Graczyk on February 16, 1971, stating that "Wałęsa did not begin cooperation as a secret collaborator." This document was fabricated at the UOP delegation in Gdańsk, inserted into the case files of the object with the codename "Autumn 70," and the entirety of the files was paginated anew. In the book "SB and Lech Wałęsa" on pages 213-214 (and this manipulation was also confirmed in the prosecutorial proceedings in Gdańsk), we described the circumstances of this document being planted as well as the document itself: "In volume XXII of the case files with the codename 'Autumn 70,' there is a document paginated as page 269. It was allegedly prepared by Capt. Edward Graczyk on February 16, 1971. (...) The content of this very laconic note seems strange. Documents concerning attempts to recruit a person as a collaborator were typically directed to the corresponding file of the 'candidate for a Secret Collaborator', and not to any object file. Moreover, such a document was usually very detailed: it generally described the circumstances of the meeting and the motives for which the person refused contact or resigned from further cooperation. Even more doubts arise regarding various details concerning the pragmatics of the SB office. The paper on which the document was prepared is atypical and distinguishes it from other documents in the file. Although it was labeled 'secret', it lacks information regarding the copy number. At the bottom of the note, there is no separator indicating where the note was sent. Even if this was the only copy of the note, it would have to contain information about the position and signature of the creator. Here there is not even the SB unit in which the alleged author of the note served. Therefore, the creation of such a document in the SB office seems rather improbable. Its credibility seems ultimately undermined by two important elements of the case. The TW codenamed 'Klin', mentioned in the note, does not appear in any other SB documents concerning department W-4, the Gdańsk shipyard named after Lenin, and object cases with the codenames 'Autumn 70' and 'Arka.' Furthermore, thanks to the analysis of the SB registration journal, we know that there was no agent with the pseudonym 'Klin' in the operational records of the III Division of the Gdańsk SB at that time. He appears only in the alleged note by Graczyk in order to surveil L. Wałęsa following the refusal to cooperate with the SB. Equally important for assessing the credibility of the aforementioned document is the pagination of the entire volume XXII of the case files with the codename 'Autumn 70', in which this document is located. This mentioned volume was paginated three times. The oldest pagination was likely created when transferring the files to the archive during the existence of the SB. The next one also comes from this period or was prepared already in the times of the UOP. The last pagination, stamped, was made by employees of the Institute of National Remembrance. The discussed document has only one pagination, that coming from the times of the IPN. The conclusion is quite obvious: the alleged report of Capt. E. Graczyk about not beginning cooperation with the SB was not in the discussed volume of files at the time it was handed over to the archive in 1978. It ended up here later, probably in the 1990s. (...) Everything indicates that this dubious authenticity 'Graczyk's note' may have been planted in the file during the UOP, most likely after June 1992." In the meantime, other documents have also emerged showing that the document cited by prosecutor Żurek is a forgery! Mr. Minister, you are irreplaceable, as in the justification for the dismissal of the proceedings, you referred to a falsified UOP document! Fragment of the book "SB and Lech Wałęsa" 👇 (translated)
The CIA warned of a potential Russian drone attack on France, Italy, and Spain, where the drones would be launched from the so-called shadow fleet, and expert Major Robert Cheda assessed it as a real and universal threat, pointing to Putin's goal of influencing public opinion and fostering distrust in the authorities. (translated)
The Children's Rights Advocate Monika Horna-Cieślak concealed six years of cooperation with those being pursued today, Zbigniew Ziobro and Marcin Romanowski. From 2016 to 2023, she earned a quarter of a million zlotys through contracts with the Institute of Justice (IWS), subordinate to Ziobro. The first contract was signed with her by the wanted Marcin Romanowski in December 2016 - in the midst of the conflict over the Constitutional Tribunal. The next contract was signed in July 2020. Soon after, Ziobro announced the termination of the Istanbul Convention, which protects women from all forms of violence and domestic violence. There are no documents in the Ministry of Justice and the IWS indicating who decided on the cooperation with Monika Horna-Cieślak and on what terms, and where her rates came from. Horna-Cieślak herself stated in interviews that she worked for the ministry after hours, preparing the so-called "Kamilka Act." But preserved documents show that she was actually working for Ziobro and Romanowski full-time at that time. When Donald Tusk's government attempted to improve the "Kamilka Act," Horna-Cieślak sent a letter to President Karol Nawrocki criticizing the changes. There is not a word in it that the evaluated act was created with her involvement and that she received public money for it. On August 29, 2025, the president vetoed the amendments, citing her opinion. (translated)
In this opinion piece, Sander Stiphout argues that heterosexuals should actively support queer people in claiming their place in society, especially now that the acceptance of homosexuality among young people is declining further. (translated)
