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Un rappel utile de la raison pour laquelle les pays baltes sont si catégoriques sur la menace russe : ils savent de quoi ils parlent. Il y a 33 ans aujourd’hui, le dernier convoi militaire russe quittait la Lituanie. L’URSS avait occupé puis annexé le pays en 1940. Arrestations, exécutions, déportations, camps : sur l’ensemble des occupations soviétiques, environ 300 000 Lituaniens ont été déportés ou emprisonnés. Lorsque la Lituanie rétablit son indépendance en 1990, les troupes soviétiques sont toujours là. Les derniers soldats russes ne partiront que le 31 août 1993. Alors quand Vilnius, Riga ou Tallinn alertent sur Moscou, leur perception de la menace n’est ni abstraite ni théorique. Cette histoire n’est pas si lointaine. #Lituanie #Russie #Histoire

REGIME CHANGE IN IRAN NOW. 🇮🇷 A government that answers protest with prison, torture and executions has no moral legitimacy. The Islamic Republic has had decades to reform. Instead, it has built a system of fear around the IRGC, political prisons, censorship and the gallows. The https://t.co/ooOHHOcF4w #IranProtests #RegimeChange #HumanRights #IR

The Transitional Logic of Political Violence A recurring problem in revolutionary and religious political movements is that violence may be justified as a temporary measure for establishing a new political order, while the institutions created to suppress perceived enemies can become permanent. In Marxist-Leninist theory, the transition from capitalism to communism involved a “dictatorship of the proletariat.” The coercive state was ultimately expected to “wither away” once class conflict disappeared. In practice, however, revolutionary governments developed extensive systems of repression. The Russian Revolution was followed by the Red Terror, Stalin’s purges institutionalized persecution of alleged internal enemies, and Mao’s Cultural Revolution demonstrated how political repression could re-emerge long after revolutionary power had been established. A comparable dynamic can be examined in some interpretations of Islamic political thought, although the ideological foundations are different. Ridda (apostasy) has, in certain historical contexts, been associated with both religious and political disloyalty. The early Ridda Wars illustrate how religious and political boundaries could become intertwined. In modern history, the 1988 executions of political prisoners in Iran provide another example of religious or ideological accusations being used to justify state violence. The important question is not whether these traditions are identical—they are not—but whether their political applications can create similar institutional dynamics. When governments define groups as existential threats, extraordinary measures may initially be presented as temporary. Once institutionalized, however, the definition of the “enemy” can expand. The fundamental risk is that a transitional period of coercion may lack a mechanism for returning to normal political conditions. If authorities can continually redefine internal enemies, emergency powers can become permanent. The broader lesson is universal: political systems should be judged not only by the order they promise, but also by the safeguards that prevent temporary coercive powers from becoming permanent.

The barbaric regime in Iran continues its ruthless executions. Be the voice of the freedom seeking people. Close Embassies. Revoke visas for people connected to the regime. Expel diplomats. Sanction the regime hard. #Iran #HumanRights #FreedomForIran #IR

Fidel Castro is: . Half a century of dictatorship. . Thousands of executions of political opponents. . A single-party state (this is still the case). . The elimination of any independent political organization. . The absence of pluralist elections. . The surveillance of the (translated)

The Transitional Logic of Political Violence A recurring problem in revolutionary and religious political movements is that violence may be justified as a temporary measure for establishing a new political order, while the institutions created to suppress perceived enemies can become permanent. In Marxist-Leninist theory, the transition from capitalism to communism involved a “dictatorship of the proletariat.” The coercive state was ultimately expected to “wither away” once class conflict disappeared. In practice, however, revolutionary governments developed extensive systems of repression. The Russian Revolution was followed by the Red Terror, Stalin’s purges institutionalized persecution of alleged internal enemies, and Mao’s Cultural Revolution demonstrated how political repression could re-emerge long after revolutionary power had been established. A comparable dynamic can be examined in some interpretations of Islamic political thought, although the ideological foundations are different. Ridda (apostasy) has, in certain historical contexts, been associated with both religious and political disloyalty. The early Ridda Wars illustrate how religious and political boundaries could become intertwined. In modern history, the 1988 executions of political prisoners in Iran provide another example of religious or ideological accusations being used to justify state violence. The important question is not whether these traditions are identical—they are not—but whether their political applications can create similar institutional dynamics. When governments define groups as existential threats, extraordinary measures may initially be presented as temporary. Once institutionalized, however, the definition of the “enemy” can expand. The fundamental risk is that a transitional period of coercion may lack a mechanism for returning to normal political conditions. If authorities can continually redefine internal enemies, emergency powers can become permanent. The broader lesson is universal: political systems should be judged not only by the order they promise, but also by the safeguards that prevent temporary coercive powers from becoming permanent.

Twenty-six countries, including France, the United Kingdom, and Canada, have condemned the executions of protesters in Iran, calling on the regime to end the death penalty and respect the fundamental rights of its people, as judicial executions have reached a record level. (translated)

Executions continue in Iran. At least 71 people were executed in July alone. I am writing to High Representative @kajakallas to call for expanded EU sanctions, in line with the European Parliament’s resolution, and greater accountability for those responsible for repression. #IranExecutions #Sanctions #HumanRights #IR #EU