🚨 VASCO CONTESTS TECHNICAL CRITERIA OF FLA-FLU, POINTS OUT VIOLATION OF CONCESSION RULES AND CITES DECISION FROM TJRJ IN ACTION FOR MARACANÃ Vasco filed an obligation lawsuit on Wednesday (1st) with a request for urgent protective measures to try to secure the Maracanã against Boca Juniors on October 20, for the semifinal of the South American Cup. In the action, the club directly questions the technical criteria used by Fla-Flu to deny the stadium, points out unequal treatment, supports violations of concession rules, and also explores a contradiction involving the Memorandum of Understanding. 📌 WHAT FLA-FLU ALLEGED In response to Vasco, the concessionaire pointed to the accumulated wear of the lawn, the climatic conditions of July and August, and the need to preserve the intervals designated for field maintenance. For 10/20, Fla-Flu specifically mentioned games of Fluminense on 10/18 and Flamengo on 10/22. With Vasco x Boca between these matches, there would be three games in five days. According to the concessionaire, this sequence would prevent procedures such as helical mowing, targeted fertilization, supplemental lighting, and repair of damage to the lawn. 📌 VASCO QUESTIONS THE TECHNICAL JUSTIFICATION The first counterpoint is the lawn itself. Vasco highlights that, three days after the denial, it was announced that the existing field would be removed and new Bermuda Celebration rolls would be placed, with the return of football scheduled for 10/08. Vasco x Boca will be on 10/20. The club's thesis is that it would not be possible to use the accumulated wear of the old lawn as justification for a match that will take place 12 days after the return of football to the renewed field. 📌 GREENLEAF DOCUMENT IS USED BY VASCO Vasco also retrieves the technical planning prepared by Greenleaf, the company responsible for lawn maintenance, in August. According to the action, the document shows that the same procedures cited by Fla-Flu to deny Vasco x Boca have already been carried out in a concentrated manner between matches. The petition states that helical mowing, targeted fertilization, supplemental lighting, and damage repair have even been grouped in a single day after a match, even in a winter scenario and lawn wear. The question posed by Vasco is direct: if this work could be done in August to accommodate the sequence of games from Flamengo and Fluminense, why couldn't it be repeated in October, after the complete lawn replacement? 📌 INTERVAL BETWEEN GAMES Vasco also contests the argument of three games in five days by comparing the situation with the recent calendar of the Maracanã. The action argues that sequences with reduced intervals for Flamengo and Fluminense matches have already been admitted. For Vasco, if the necessary interval for lawn recovery is decisive for denying a match, that criterion must be applied equally to all clubs. 📌 SHOWS AND OTHER EVENTS The action also points out that the Maracanã hosts shows, religious gatherings, and events from other sports, including the installation of structures and occupancy of the field area. Vasco questions how the administration can reconcile these events with lawn preservation, yet considers it technically unfeasible to host a semifinal of CONMEBOL. According to the data presented in the action, at least seven extraordinary events unrelated to official football were held between 2025 and 09/30/2026. 📌 CONCESSION NOTICE Vasco cites item 3.4 of the Terms of Reference, which gives priority to football events from the official calendars of FIFA, CONMEBOL, CBF, and FERJ over other events. Vasco x Boca is an official semifinal of CONMEBOL. The action argues that there would be an "inversion of this priority" by accommodating shows and other events and denying the stadium for a match that, under the concession rules cited by the club, should have priority. The petition mentions "distortion of the concessionaire's obligations" and "violation of the equal treatment required by the Concession Notice." 📌 UNEQUAL TREATMENT Vasco summarizes its challenge in four points: • the lawn replacement would change the premise of accumulated wear; • Greenleaf's own planning would demonstrate that maintenance could be carried out between matches; • the calendar would show reduced intervals that have already been admitted for Flamengo and Fluminense; • other events are reconciled with the necessary care for field preservation. As a result, Vasco asserts that restrictions are being applied selectively. The action further cites clause 13.2 of the Concession Contract, which prohibits favoritism and unjustifiably different, discriminatory treatment, or "without technical criteria" that results in restricted access to the Complex. 📌 THE CONTRADICTION POINTED OUT BY VASCO Fla-Flu claims not to recognize the validity of the Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2025. At the same time, according to Vasco, it uses the document itself—especially the provision for four matches conditioned on availability and operational conditions—to justify the denial. Vasco points out contradictory behavior and invokes the principle of good faith. 📌 PREVIOUS DECISION OF TJRJ The action also cites the Instrument Appeal No. 3023517-70.2026.8.19.0000. On that occasion, Justice Alexandre Freitas Câmara analyzed the discussion regarding the absence of Fla-Flu's signature on the Memorandum. The magistrate stated that Flamengo and Fluminense, members of the concessionaire, had signed the document and pointed out that disregarding it later could represent contradictory behavior contrary to good faith. 📌 RECOMMENDATION FROM BEPE The issue of public safety also appears as an argument for the use of the Maracanã. According to the action, BEPE (Specialized Battalion for Policing in Stadiums) recommended holding the match at the Maracanã due to the magnitude of the confrontation and the expected public turnout. Vasco uses this recommendation to argue that the Maracanã is not just a preference of the club. The petition points to the stadium as the option that best meets capacity, location, structure, security, and operational conditions to host the match against Boca. 📌 SÃO JANUÁRIO IS NOT AN OPTION Vasco also differentiates the situation from the previous process involving Vasco x Vitória, when it did not obtain a preliminary injunction to use the Maracanã. This time, according to the action, São Januário cannot host the semifinal. The South American Manual requires a minimum capacity of 30,000 spectators starting from the semifinals, while the petition indicates São Januário has approximately 21,880 seats. Vasco acknowledges the Nilton Santos Stadium as an alternative but argues that having another stadium does not resolve the issue brought to Justice: is there legitimate technical and contractual basis for Fla-Flu to deny Maracanã? 📌 WHAT VASCO SEEKS Vasco is seeking a preliminary injunction requiring Fla-Flu to make the Maracanã available for Vasco x Boca on 10/20 at 9:30 PM. The request includes the maximum ticket allocation corresponding to the authorized capacity, the use of necessary facilities for organizing the match, the implementation of a mosaic, and temporary installation of banners in the same manner allowed for the clubs that are members of the concessionaire. In case of non-compliance, Vasco requests a daily fine of R$ 1 million. Vasco must inform CONMEBOL by October 5 where it will hold the return match of the semifinal. (translated)
This is very serious: US$ 1 MILLION AGAINST THE STF Revealed campaign from the Trump government. The government of Donald Trump allocated US$ 1 million to finance a campaign against the STF in Brazil. The revelations were published this Thursday by the British newspaper The Guardian, which points out how resources originally intended by the US for the global human rights agenda were redirected to the interests of the American far right. According to the report, a US$ 1 million grant titled "Combating Lawfare and Censorship in Brazil" would finance civil society groups that oppose what is described as excessive judicial action and censorship by the Supreme Court of Brazil. "The Trump administration imposed sanctions on Brazilian minister Alexandre de Moraes last year, following pressure from Eduardo Bolsonaro, the son of the former president," the article recalled. According to the newspaper, a Democratic congressional aide stated that a senator from the Foreign Relations Committee, Jeanne Shaheen, had maintained the blockage of ten disbursements totaling US$ 22 million, intended for projects in Brazil, South Africa, and Nigeria, as well as for promoting a right-wing ideology in the UK and Europe. This week, Shaheen sent a letter to the Trump administration to denounce interference in the Brazilian election and demand the White House recognize the election results in the country. "Throughout President Trump's second term, we observed US authorities engaged in a campaign of interference and destabilization in Brazil," the senator said in the document. "This effort intensified dramatically during the summer of 2025, when the Administration imposed targeted tariffs and sanctions in an attempt to influence the verdict of the Brazilian Supreme Court in the trial of former president Jair Bolsonaro, accused of attempting to foment a military coup to remain in power," she stated. According to the aide consulted by the newspaper, Secretary of State Marco Rubio had personally signed a memorandum to ignore the senator's blockages and authorize the allocation of funds. Destabilizing the STF For observers and diplomats, destabilizing the STF has become a priority for the Brazilian and foreign far right. The movement sees the institution as a brake on implementing an ultra-conservative project in the country and regaining freedom of action on all fronts. The money comes from the Fund for Human Rights and Democracy, created to finance Trump's conservative agenda around the world and, according to its critics, to attack any form of opposition. "The largest disbursement, totaling US$ 40 million, was allocated to a consortium led by the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation (VOC) — a non-profit anti-communist organization that, in the past, had received much lower amounts in grants," the report indicated. A background check document from the Department of State, consulted by The Guardian, records previous contracts between the foundation and the agency totaling US$ 96,997 in the last five years — all in the fiscal year 2022 — and notes that the organization underwent a check in 2019 related to tickets for the foundation's gala event. The document also identifies Andrew Bremberg — former domestic policy advisor to the White House during the Trump administration and former US ambassador to the UN office in Europe — as a "senior leader" of the foundation. Via ICL COUP NEVER AGAIN (translated)
🚨NOW: Flávio wins in the TSE plenary; 5x1 for overturning fake news about Our Lady The rapporteur, the minister of the Superior Electoral Court, André Mendonça, was accompanied by ministers Toffoli, Nunes Marques, Villas Boas Cuêva, Estela Aranha, and Sebastião Reis. An ally of Alexandre, Floriano Marques disagreed. The vote of the corregidor, minister Antônio Carlos Ferreira, is missing. (translated)
Wow, Lula! The Federal Police found on Vorcaro's cell a very non-institutional proximity with Alexandre Silveira. Three meetings in 2024 and 2025, two at the banker’s house. The owner of Master says he talked with Lula’s Minister of Mines and Energy about merging Enel and Light. Energy in the hands of those who should be overseeing it. Coincidence? (translated)
Cacetada!!! ONE MORE MINISTER OF LULA IN THE POCKET OF VORCARO! Let me tell you: it's been a while since we in the press have been hearing that Alexandre Silveira is today THE BIGGEST OPERATOR of Lula. The biggest one. People say that in this Light-Enel business he received nothing less than R$400 million. We always heard about it and I found it hard to believe. Now there is the list of the guys... It's really a lot of gang. (translated)
PIAUI MAGAZINE: ALEXANDRE DE MORAES WAS BEST FRIENDS WITH VORCARO Zettel commented on the relationship between Alexandre de Moraes, the rapporteur of the case in the Supreme Federal Court, and Vorcaro. “Xandão is Daniel's best friend. I'm counting on him. Best friend, has dinner together, goes out together.” Zettel does not clarify what “counting” on the minister would mean, but corroborates the ties of friendship already exposed between the two in recent months. Shares and comments with XANDÃO IS LULA XANDÃO IS VORCARO (translated)
AT A MINIMUM, CURIOUS: CLAUDIO raises a question that deserves reflection. (Not to say INVESTIGATION.) Why is GILMAR MENDES willing to give his life to protect ALEXANDRE DE MORAES? Until a little while ago, rumors suggested that GILMAR was even willing to SACRIFICE the PSYCHOPATH to save the MORAL of the STF. So, what has changed since then? Has some dirt on the DECANO been discovered by XANDÃO? (translated)
ORA, ORA, ORA… CAVIAR, SCALLOPS, WAGYU AND WINES WORTH TENS OF THOUSANDS OF REAIS. Images from Daniel Vorcaro's cellphone show the "ultra VIP" lunch organized for Alexandre de Moraes in Campos do Jordão. Meanwhile, the average Brazilian is paying the bill. What kind of relationship is this? (translated)
Se vincerà, ha promesso Flávio, tra i suoi primi atti ci saranno la liberazione del padre (mediante una grazia o un’amnistia) e la destituzione – che tecnicamente spetta però al Senato – del giudice della Corte Suprema Alexandre de Moraes, relatore del processo che ha portato alla sentenza del padre. #Brasile #Lula #Elezioni2026