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The Observatory of Victims of Terrorism demands that all ETA crimes be considered "crimes against humanity" and proposes Nuremberg-style trials to clarify 376 murders that are still unresolved, also calling for a change in penitentiary legislation and an institutional isolation of EH Bildu. #JusticiaParaLasVíctimas #DelitosDeLesaHumanidad #ETA (translated)

The new Nobel Peace Prize winner, Navanethem Navi Pillay, joked about the possibility of sharing her award with Donald Trump during a press conference in Nuremberg, referring to the controversial decision of the previous laureate, María Corina Machado. #NobelDeLaPaz #NavanethemPillay #DerechosHumanos (translated)

The author wrote that Navi Pillay’s first words after learning she had won the Nobel Peace Prize were about delivering a report on Gaza that described the events there as genocide. Pillay was visiting the Nuremberg courtroom, which the author called a symbolic setting for the remark. https://t.co/whtdNFJXov #Gaza #Genocide #NobelPeacePrize #GZ #DE

The author said their forthcoming book, “Anti-fascist Economics”, had drawn attacks from people who used sexist insults. They described the current period as the deepest crisis of Western democracy since the Nazi era and said growing up in Nuremberg had shaped their view of anti-fascism as a civic priority. #Antifaschismus #Demokratie #Feminismus #DE

Le licenciement de Jean-Bernard Gervais du journal What's Up Doc pour s'en être violemment pris au Dr Barraud (@fluidloading) et avoir, par ses messages injurieux sur Twitter, porté préjudice à l'image du journal, confirmé en appel. https://t.co/blh8vkFRxT Ce Nuremberg 2.0 ne se # licenciement #Twitter #journalisme #FR

Agora vamos ver, lentamente, com o decorrer do tempo, as pessoas começarem a reconhecer que nunca existiu golpe ou tentativa de golpe de Estado por parte de Bolsonaro e que as prisões do 8 de Janeiro não apenas foram arbitrárias, como também foram crimes contra os direitos humanos. As histórias dos presos serão contadas, assim como as mortes, as torturas e tudo o que aconteceu. E as pessoas começarão a dizer que nunca apoiaram isso. Lá na frente, veremos todos os exilados e perseguidos políticos recebendo indenizações do Estado, e um grande tribunal de Nuremberg precisará ser realizado para punir as autoridades que fizeram uso do poder do Estado para machucar e torturar pessoas inocentes. Ainda não será agora, mas o caminho que leva a esse fim foi escolhido ontem por Moraes. #DireitosHumanos #Justiça #Política

🚨 L’OM S’EST RENSEIGNÉ SUR MOHAMED ALI ZOMA 🇮🇹 ! 💙🤍 Nuremberg a refusé une offre de West Ham, d’environ 20 M€. ❌💰 🗞️ @MatteMoretto https://t.co/TwYvUOdBUG #OM #Mercato #Football

In 1945 Justice Jackson opened Nuremberg on a promise: the law binds ally and enemy alike,or it binds no one. Today his country targets the very institution delivering that mission- to spare a fugitive from trial. Empire it was, empire it is. Where evil sits makes all difference. https://t.co/itRX54gP0a #Nuremberg #Justice #InternationalLaw #DE #US

‼️APRÈS NUREMBERG, LE MONDE N'A TOUJOURS PAS APPRIS‼️ En 1945, après les horreurs de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l'humanité avait juré : « Plus jamais ça. » Nuremberg, le tribunal de guerre international, devait consacrer un principe simple et immense : un État ne peut pas tout justifier au nom de la guerre, et un dirigeant ne peut pas se réfugier derrière son pouvoir lorsque des crimes sont commis. Quatre-vingts ans plus tard, cette promesse est piétinée chaque jour. Trois hommes incarnent, chacun à leur manière, les contradictions d'un ordre international qui prétend défendre cette promesse sans jamais oser l'appliquer à ceux qui détiennent le pouvoir : Vladimir Poutine, Benjamin Netanyahu et Donald Trump. ‼️Trois situations différentes. Un même constat accablant : le droit international recule dès qu'il touche aux puissants. 👉POUTINE : LA GUERRE COMME INSTRUMENT DE PUISSANCE Vladimir Poutine est visé par un mandat d'arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale pour la déportation et le transfert illégal d'enfants ukrainiens. La CPI enquête plus largement sur les crimes commis dans le cadre de la guerre en Ukraine. L'image est glaçante : un chef d'État décide de la guerre, des civils paient le prix de ses décisions — et des enfants sont arrachés à leur pays. Combien de vies faudra-t-il sacrifier avant que le droit atteigne enfin ceux qui déclenchent les guerres ? 👉NETANYAHU : QUAND LA SÉCURITÉ NATIONALE NE PEUT PLUS TOUT JUSTIFIER En novembre 2024, la CPI a délivré un mandat d'arrêt contre Benjamin Netanyahu pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité allégués dans le cadre de la guerre à Gaza. La Chambre a retenu des « motifs raisonnables » concernant la famine utilisée comme méthode de guerre, le meurtre, la persécution et d'autres actes inhumains. Ce n'est pas une condamnation définitive. Mais c'est une accusation que plus personne ne peut ignorer. Jusqu'où un État peut-il aller au nom de sa défense avant que celle-ci cesse d'être une justification et devienne elle-même un crime international ? La souffrance d'un enfant palestinien ne vaut pas moins que celle d'un enfant israélien. La vie d'un civil ukrainien ne vaut pas moins que celle d'un civil russe. Le droit international ne devrait connaître ni nationalité, ni religion, ni camp — et pourtant, dans les faits, il en connaît. 👉TRUMP : LE POUVOIR QUI REFUSE LE TRIBUNAL Donald Trump n'est pas sous mandat d'arrêt de la CPI. Il serait malhonnête de le prétendre. Mais son administration mène une guerre ouverte contre la Cour pénale internationale, imposant des sanctions contre ses responsables. Trump a lui-même reconnu, en juillet 2026, que cette offensive visait notamment à protéger Netanyahu et ses alliés. Le symbole est brutal : le même tribunal qui peut poursuivre les ennemis de Washington se voit interdire d'examiner Washington ou ses alliés. Ce n'est plus de la justice internationale — c'est un tribunal à sens unique. 🔺️LE VÉRITABLE SCANDALE Le problème n'est pas de savoir quel homme nous préférons. Poutine n'est pas Netanyahu. Netanyahu n'est pas Trump. Trump n'est pas Poutine. Le vrai scandale, c'est que la puissance politique continue de dicter les limites de la justice. Nuremberg avait tenté de briser cette logique. Quatre-vingts ans après, elle est de retour, intacte. Un crime devient-il moins grave lorsqu'il est commis par le dirigeant d'une grande puissance ? Si la réponse est oui, Nuremberg n'aura été qu'une parenthèse dans l'histoire. Si la réponse est non, le même principe doit s'appliquer à Moscou, à Jérusalem, à Washington — et partout ailleurs. ‼️Pas de justice sélective. Pas d'impunité pour les puissants. UNE JUSTICE INTERNATIONALE QUI NE PEUT PAS ATTEINDRE LES PUISSANTS N'EST PAS UNE JUSTICE UNIVERSELLE : C'EST UNE JUSTICE À GÉOMÉTRIE VARIABLE. Et les victimes, elles, n'ont pas de géopolitique. Elles ont simplement un nom. Un visage. Une famille. Et parfois, une tombe. #JusticeInternationale #Nuremberg #CPI #DroitsHumains #Impunité #Poutine #Netanyahu #Trump #Ukraine #Gaza

Před očekávanou slunečními zatměním se v Nurembergu před optikem Schlemmer vytvořila 250 metrů dlouhá fronta, kde lidé čekali na zakoupení speciálních slunečníkových brýlí, přičemž optik prodal 500 brýlí za hodinu a plánoval dokoupit dalších 6000 kusů. #Sonnenfinsternis #Nürnberg #Brillen

Metaphysics of the Solitary Absolute: Philosophical and Legal Analysis of the Thesis of Solitary Amorality ​The Thesis of Solitary Amorality, formulated by Tom Nesky under the banner of the Axiom of Relationality of Law and Being, constitutes a radical challenge to classical and contemporary normative theories. Its central premise—stating that law, morality, and the category of crime are not inherent properties of reality, but artificial products of social relations—requires a rigorous deconstruction at the intersection of legal positivism, phenomenological existentialism, ontological anarchism, and monistic metaphysics. This paper attempts a systematic analysis of the intellectual pillars of this thesis, examining its internal coherence, genealogical roots, and consequences for the understanding of freedom and human subjectivity. ​The Systemic Construction of Crime vs. Pure Theory of Law ​The first pillar of the Thesis of Solitary Amorality, designated as Nullum Crimen Sine Systema, posits that law does not discover pre-legal categories of evil, but brings them into existence through the very act of establishing a boundary of permissibility. This assertion exhibits a profound convergence with 20th-century legal positivism, particularly with Hans Kelsen's Pure Theory of Law (Reine Rechtslehre). Kelsen advocated for a methodological purification of legal science from ethical, sociological, and political elements, defining law as a normative system founded upon a hypothetical basic norm (Grundnorm). ​In the Kelsenian view, the legal system functions as a coercive apparatus devoid of inherent moral value. A crucial point of intersection with Nesky's thesis is the elimination of the traditional dualism between acts that are inherently evil (mala in se) and acts prohibited merely by law (mala prohibita). Kelsen argued that an act becomes unlawful solely when a legal norm attaches state-enforced coercion to it. Unlawfulness is not an ontological property of the act, but the result of a relationship of normative imputation. This implies that the law does not penalize an act because it is intrinsically evil; rather, an act is considered evil solely because it has been subjected to systemic penalization. ​This clash became prominent during the debates surrounding the Nuremberg trials, where positions based on natural law and legal positivism collided. While prosecutors such as Robert Jackson invoked universal moral norms (mala in se) as the basis for punishing criminals despite the previously binding positive law of the Third Reich, Kelsen pointed out the theoretical inconsistency of such an approach. He argued that judging on the basis of retroactive law (ex post facto) constitutes a breach in the systemic coherence of positivism, even if it might be justified by political and historical necessity. ​Nesky's project imparts an existential dimension of oppression to this structure, bringing it close to the critique of the state formulated by Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche famously described the state as "the coldest of all cold monsters," which devours the individual's singularity and imposes herd morality upon them. The gaze of the state, mediated through the Other, paralyzes the sovereignty of the individual and forces them to navigate within arbitrarily designated normative boundaries. Every stroke drawn across the chaos of reality establishes a boundary, and every boundary instantly creates the concept of its transgression. ​The Paradox of the Systemic Cage and the Limits of Ontological Anarchism ​The second pillar of the thesis—The Paradox of the Systemic Cage—points to the impossibility of escaping the system through rules alone. Every attempt to negate the existing order, from establishing anarchist structures to escaping into geographical isolation, immediately transforms into a new system whose primary imperative becomes the defense and maintenance of that very absence of rules. This process of structural looping finds its reflection in the current of ontological anarchism formulated by Hakim Bey (pseudonym of Peter Lamborn Wilson). ​Bey, drawing on a synthesis of Nietzscheanism, Situationist theory of the spectacle, and chaos esotericism, recognized that classical revolutions striving to overthrow the state inevitably reproduce structures of domination, becoming new forms of confinement. As an alternative, he proposed the concept of the Temporary Autonomous Zone (TAZ). TAZ is a tactic for creating temporary, non-hierarchical spaces that deliberately evade formal structures of state control. The key element of TAZ is its ephemerality: before the system can map, define, and absorb the autonomous zone, it must dissolve itself and relocate to another point in space-time. ​Attempts to transform TAZ into Permanent Autonomous Zones (PAZ) immediately encounter the paradox noted by Nesky. The need to defend and codify freedom within a lasting community gives rise to internal rules, mechanisms of exclusion, and hierarchy. For this reason, Murray Bookchin criticized ontological anarchism (calling it "lifestyle anarchism" or "bourgeois anarchism") for its lack of political realism and its flight from systemic struggle against capital and state in favor of aesthetic rebellion. The convergence of these perspectives demonstrates that freedom defined as reactive resistance to a system remains structurally determined by it. ​The Dissolution of the Relational Mirror: The Existential Gaze and the Collapse of Morality ​The third pillar of the thesis, designated as The Dissolution of the Mirror (L'Autre), posits that good and evil require the presence of an external witness and judge. This assertion represents a direct application of Jean-Paul Sartre's existential phenomenology, particularly his analysis of the Gaze (le look / le regard) and the relation to the Other (l'Autre) presented in Being and Nothingness. ​Sartre illustrates the constitutive role of the Other through an analysis of the voyeur's situation. At the moment of complete absorption in the act of peeping through a keyhole, the subject's consciousness is pre-reflective—the voyeur does not reflect on himself; his consciousness completely merges with the act being performed. Only the sudden sound of footsteps in the hallway shatters this unity. The voyeur realizes that he himself is seen, and is instantly paralyzed by shame. ​For Sartre, shame is not a purely internal emotion; it is shame of oneself before the Other. The Gaze of the Other objectifies the free subject (being-for-itself—pour-soi), freezing them into a specific role and moral evaluation (being-for-others—pour-autrui). As Ellie Anderson points out, Descartes' formula "I think, therefore I am" is replaced in Sartre by "I feel shame, therefore Others exist." The Gaze of the Other marks the birth of social morality, wherein the individual learns to view themselves from a third-person perspective. ​This existential dynamic corresponds to the Nietzschean genealogy of "bad conscience." Nietzsche demonstrates that morality and guilt are products of the forced internalization of human instincts that could no longer be discharged outwardly due to social barriers. Forced into the constraints of society, man turns against himself, creating an internal judge (conscience) modeled on the external tyrant. ​This vision also resonates with the classical theory of Thomas Hobbes. In Leviathan, Hobbes explicitly declares that in the state of nature, where there is no common power, there is no law, and where there is no law, no notion of injustice exists. Concepts of good, evil, justice, and property are attributes of man living in society, not in solitude. Removing the social fabric reverts the individual to a state in which theft and injury lose their raison d'être due to the absence of relational reference to the Other. #philosophy # metaphysics # thesis # morality

La Corte Penal Internacional es el "sumum" de la sabiduría humana acumulada en luchas con centenares de millones de muertos contra el fascismo, incluidos millones de jóvenes estadounidenses muertos en Europa. Destruir la Corte penal internacional es abrir la puerta de la barbarie y Marcos Rubio se equivoca al decir que es para salvar la soberanía nacional. El mismo Marcos Rubio ha violado la soberanía nacional de Colombia al colocar un ciudadano estadounidense como presidente de Colombia con ayuda de narcotraficantes y genocidas como Netayanhu. Lo único que detendrá la barbarie es la unidad de los pueblos de la humanidad y el derecho internacional. El origen de la Corte Penal Internacional está en los mismos EEUU históricamente con el tribunal de Nuremberg contra los Nazis. Ahora se contradicen los EEUU porque saben que quieren acabar con los magistrados de la Corte Penal internacional para que se mantenga la impunidad sobre los genocidas y se produzca la persecusión sobre poblaciones civiles con identidad política. La Corte Penal Internacional preescribe al genocidio como crimen contra la humanidad y preescribe la persecusión de grupos poblacionales civiles por su identidad política como crimen contra la humanidad. #CortePenalInternacional #DerechoInternacional #JusticiaGlobal

La citation est authentique. Elle vient d’une conversation privée entre Hermann Göring et le psychologue américain Gustave M. Gilbert (officier de renseignement et psychologue de la prison de Nuremberg) le 18 avril 1946, dans la cellule de Göring pendant une pause des procès. #HermannGöring #NurembergTrials #Psychologie #DE #US