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The Three Roads to Evil We live in an age of unlimited access to information. Most of it is a gift, but it also gives us an unbroken view into horror—images on screens, the Epstein files, and constant stories once confined to nightmares. Some shut it off; others stare until it stares back, leaving them cynical. But it has always been this way. Long before Epstein, there was Caligula—years of sadism and cruelty on Capri. In every era, there have been people whose evil makes rationality struggle to explain it. I see three roads to evil: worshipping the wrong things, succumbing to ideology, and becoming so bitter you resent life itself. First: worshipping wrong values. Some make wealth, lust, power, or status their highest good. They lie, cheat, and steal to obtain it, then declare morality and law for the weak. Everyone else becomes an instrument. Second: ideology. When someone abandons a religious worldview, they may fill the vacuum with an ideology that claims to explain everything and promise a perfect world. Communists reduce history to class struggle; Nazis to racial struggle. The ideologue believes society can be remade by controlling causes and effects—people become cogs, sacrificed for utopia. Third: resentment. Those who see themselves as helpless victims can come to hate life itself. They treat hardship as injustice and life as something done to them. Their values invert: strength becomes evil, weakness virtue; love is attacked while lust is celebrated; wealth is theft—and criminals become victims while their victims are the privileged. These roads always exist, and always will. You can’t stop others from walking them. But it’s your responsibility not to.

The 7 Types of People Who Create Evil Societies Andrew Łobaczewski, a psychiatrist who lived under Nazism and Communism in Poland, proposed political ponerology: pathological personalities and social dynamics can generate totalitarian systems. He describes seven recurring types: 1) **Psychopaths**: power seekers who gain control via coercion, intimidation, and violence. 2) **Schizoids**: ideological engineers who craft abstract systems and utopian theories; if reality conflicts, they rationalize more rather than revise. 3) **Spellbinders**: propagandists who convert ideology into slogans, moral stories, and emotional appeals that sort “good/evil” and define the in‑group. 4) **The Spellbound**: true believers who absorb the message and enforce it socially, driven by moral certainty; they often recruit through institutions and peer networks. 5) **Adapted Conformists**: quiet enablers who comply from fear and self‑preservation, often within bureaucracy (“I’m just doing my job”). 6) **Resistors**: a moral minority who refuse cooperation and prioritize conscience, often paying costs like isolation or punishment. 7) **Bystanders**: a passive majority who stay silent through fear, confusion, and disengagement. Together: psychopaths hold power; schizoids supply ideology; spellbinders publicize it; the spellbound enforce it; conformists administer; bystanders tolerate; resistors challenge. Crucially, totalitarianism doesn’t require everyone to be fanatical—enforcers and ideologues can pressure the wider population to comply. It can arise under many systems (communist, fascist, theocratic, etc.), not just left vs right.

A Culture of Violent Ressentiment A lust for violence is spreading through the worst among us. After shootings, murders, and attempted political violence, some celebrate and idolize the attackers—while others online applaud harm done to those deemed deserving, even for things like “misgendering.” People claim these are unrelated, but I see a shared conviction: blood is the only route to a better world. We debate which ideology “caused” a given attack—incel culture, Marxism, anti-Zionism—but the pattern is similar. Radicalization is often treated like infection: belief first, impulse second. I think the reverse is more common. Corrupted people don’t stumble into dangerous ideas. They go looking for them. Ressentiment—Nietzsche’s term for the slow poison of hopeless victims—builds moral systems that make a grudge feel like justice. The feeling takes the throne first; philosophy follows, recruiting whatever justifies what the person already wants. Ressentiment focuses on enemies and punishment while offering vague utopias. It subtracts, locating suffering entirely outside the self and proposing removal of its “source.” That’s why it rejects self-improvement: it requires agency. What we face is not one ideology, but the spirit that turns failure and frustration into someone else’s crime—and therefore treats violence as justice.

A Manifesto Written Like Scripture** Marxism is not merely an economic theory; it resembles a religion for those filled with resentment. The Communist Manifesto opens with spiritual language, declaring that “a spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of communism,” indicating a spiritual war rather than an economic agenda. While supporters claim it seeks to redistribute wealth for equity, the text itself lacks words like “neighbor” or “love” in a positive context. Instead, it frequently uses terms like “violence,” “overthrow,” and “abolish,” emphasizing destruction rather than construction. Marx's concrete proposals focus on seizure and confiscation, with little mention of a classless utopia. He advocated for the “ruthless criticism of all that exists,” suggesting a totalizing worldview that dismisses the possibility of reform. Marxists often argue that true communism has never been realized, yet historical figures like Stalin and Mao embodied the totalitarian ambitions outlined in the Manifesto. Bertrand Russell noted that Bolsheviks resembled religious fanatics, quoting Marx like scripture. He drew parallels between Marxism and religion, with Marx as a Messiah and the Communist Party as a Church. The Manifesto states that its goals can only be achieved through the “forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions,” indicating a desire to destroy the current world. Interestingly, many Marxist leaders, including Marx himself, came from privileged backgrounds, contradicting the narrative that Marxism serves the oppressed. This pattern continues today, with Marxism appealing primarily to educated individuals from affluent families who face financial stress for the first time. Marxism shifts the concept of sin from individuals to the bourgeoisie, absolving its followers from personal accountability. This doctrine promotes pride, envy, and resentment, elevating hatred of the wealthy as a virtue. It lacks a pathway to forgiveness, viewing class origin as a crime inherited from ancestors. Ultimately, Marxism is not an economic theory but a destructive religion that justifies violence against entire classes in the pursuit of a misguided salvation.

The Evolution of Modern Leftism Left-wing and woke ideology often presents itself through noble ideas: compassion, justice, equality, and progress. But progress toward what? That question is rarely asked. To understand modern leftism, we must look back nearly 200 years. Ideas evolve like viruses: when society develops resistance to one form, academics modify it until it becomes more contagious, destructive, and difficult to recognize. Hegel proposed the dialectic: opposing ideas—a thesis and antithesis—collide to produce a synthesis. Marx applied this framework to economics through dialectical materialism. He viewed history as a struggle between the “haves” and “have-nots” and predicted that workers would overthrow capitalism and create a communist utopia. When Marx’s vision failed, Lenin reworked it. He argued that workers needed to be led by an elite revolutionary class. This produced the idea of perpetual revolution: after one oppressor is defeated, the next ruling class becomes the new enemy. The struggle never ends. The Frankfurt School later adapted Marxism for the West. It argued that capitalism’s material success had made workers less receptive to revolution, so the focus shifted to culture, education, media, religion, and the arts. The goal became a gradual “long march through the institutions.” Postmodernists expanded the theory further, arguing that power exists everywhere—not only between rich and poor, but also between men and women, racial groups, heterosexual and homosexual people, and colonizers and the colonized. The personal became political. Intersectionality then presented oppression as a matrix in which every identity adds another layer of victimhood and moral authority. At one extreme is the idealized figure of a poor, disabled, rural, transgender lesbian woman from a developing country. At the other is the supposed ultimate oppressor: a wealthy, educated, able-bodied, straight, white, cisgender, Christian, Western man living in a city. Modern progressivism, in this view, is essentially neo-Marxism in drag.

The Elite Origins of Marxist Revolution Bertrand Russell, a socialist who visited Moscow in 1920, observed that the Bolsheviks resembled religious fanatics more than political theorists. Lenin quoted Marx and Engels as a pastor recites Scripture. In his *History of Western Philosophy*, Russell described the parallels: dialectical materialism replaces God, the Communist Party becomes the church, communist revolution the Second Coming, punishment for capitalists hell, and the communist commonwealth heaven. The *Communist Manifesto* declares that its aims can be achieved only through “the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” Marx sought to destroy the existing world and assumed that an undefined utopia would rise. If Marxism claims to speak for the oppressed, why has it so often been adopted by elites? Marx came from an upper-middle-class family that owned vineyards and employed servants. Friedrich Engels, his chief supporter and financier, inherited wealth from his family’s textile business. Lenin’s family owned property and employed servants, while Mao Zedong’s family was considerably wealthier than ordinary Chinese peasants. Fidel Castro’s family owned a large estate, Che Guevara came from an affluent background, and Pol Pot’s family had connections to Cambodia’s royal court. Pol Pot encountered Marxism while studying in Paris. These men went on to create, support, or lead revolutions that killed millions of the people they claimed to represent. This was no accident. The *Communist Manifesto* states that “a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat,” especially those who understand “the historical movement as a whole.” Marx therefore incorporated an explanation for his own class position into the movement’s founding text. Lenin expanded this idea, arguing that workers left to themselves could achieve only “trade-union consciousness.” Socialist theory, he believed, had to be brought to them by educated elites—the revolutionary vanguard. Although Marxism and communism are commonly portrayed as movements created for the poor, the men who developed and led them were, almost without exception, members of the elite.

In einem Interview von @UlrichSiegmund mit einem RTL Aktivisten fragt dieser nach "rechter Presse", kann jedoch selbst kein rechtes Medium benennen. RTL entlarvt sich selbst. @UtopiaTVGermany leistet durch Dokumentation und Gegenöffentlichkeit einen sehr wertvollen Beitrag! https://t.co/GSrWW3YDTk #Medien #Pressefreiheit #Dokumentation

Já estou ciente de que Renan Santos, aquele cosplayer do Boça, me citou no “debate” de ontem e atacou o fim da escala 6x1. Entendo que, pra ele, que nunca teve um emprego de verdade, é inconcebível o trabalhador ter direito ao descanso. Afinal, seu objetivo de vida é que ele e sua trupe de esquisitões se elejam pra serem sustentados pelo povo brasileiro enquanto permitem que os patrões explorem os trabalhadores até a última gota de suor. O que eles almejam na política é só ter um cargo cuja função é impedir qualquer avanço no bem-estar da população que possa diminuir um mísero centavo do lucro dos empresários. A verdade é que o grande sonho do liberal radical, a utopia dessa gente, é conseguir um emprego de gerente sem ter o talento necessário pra isso. Resta-lhes a política e a posição de capatazes do povo que os sustenta em seus cargos. Renan Santos não tem uma proposta, não tem uma missão e nenhum talento digno de reconhecimento. Ele tem fome de um carguinho. De gente assim a política está cheia. É essa gente que a luta pelo fim da escala 6x1 está derrotando todos os dias, e assim continuaremos. #Trabalho #DireitosTrabalhistas #Política

@ben_brechtken Was für ein Bullshit: Er zählt ihn auf mit anderen, hebt eher Utopia TV hervor und hat sicher besseres zu tun, als sich jede Sekunde dieser Streams anzusehen. Nebst dem wurde die Sendung am 03. Agust aufgezeichnet. Aber Glückwunsch von Amann geteilt zu werden. #UtopiaTV #Streams #Bullshit

Drei Minuten pures Gold. Der @AktivistMann und Sandra Gabriel von Utopia TV führen den sonst so „schlagfertigen“ Fabian Köster (ZDF) vor, der jetzt einfach nur wie ein kleiner Schuljunge dasteht. Ich liebe alles daran. https://t.co/C1qzWVbacG #Unterhaltung #Humor #UtopiaTV

After the expulsion of about 450 people, including families with children, in front of the social emergency service in Paris by the police, those evicted sought refuge in a new makeshift camp set up by Utopia 56, where they are trying to stabilize themselves while facing the fear and uncertainty of their situation. (translated)

Najbardziej nietrafiony argument? Taką decyzją daje się paliwo prawicy. W normalnym świecie pewnie tak. Tyle że mówimy o opozycji, która jeśli paliwa nie ma, po prostu je sobie wymyśli. Dlatego dostosowywanie decyzji do zasad standardowej gry politycznej jest dziś utopią. Tak samo jak oglądanie się na to, co powiedzą media. Jeszcze niedawno słyszeliśmy o szklanym suficie i o tym, że Tusk się skończył. Nie przypominam sobie za to narracji, że podjął świetną decyzję. Za to Nawrockiego bez problemu nazywa się twardym graczem, choć poza wetowaniem i pohukiwaniem nie ma na koncie żadnego sukcesu. Wysokim zaufaniem cieszy się Sikorski. Dlaczego? Bo jest twardym graczem. Dziś wygra ten, kto pokaże, że ma jaja. Takie czasy. Albo przyjmie się te mało eleganckie reguły, albo wypada się z gry. Świat, który znamy, już nie wróci. Ale jeszcze może być dobrze. #Polityka #Opozycja #Decyzje

The evacuation of the homeless encampment in front of the Samu social in Paris, which housed more than 450 people since mid-July, took place on August 13, 2026, leaving only about a hundred residents with housing solutions, despite the involvement of the Utopia 56 association in response to the strike of Samu social employees. (translated)

The police expelled, under a strong security device, 400 homeless families who had camped for a month in front of the Samu social in Paris, sending most of them back to the street despite the lack of accommodation solutions provided by the State, which has been criticized for its criminal policy in the face of the housing crisis. (translated)

La periodista que nos acusa de narcocomunismo no sabe ni dónde está parada. Ni narco ni comunista, mi gobierno incautó más cocaína que cualquier gobierno en el mundo y no desarrollé un comunismo sino un capitalismo nacional. El comunismo con sociedad de la abundancia, por la productividad del trabajo, y en sociedades de hombres y mujeres libres sigue siendo, por hoy, una utopía posible en el futuro, pero para lograrlo tiene que haber mucha productividad, que es función del intelecto general de la sociedad, y en economías descarbonizadas que permitan vivir. #Periodismo #Narcotráfico #Comunismo

No se le cae una idea al equipo. No lo rescatan las individuales. Y Coudet no tuerce el rumbo con sus modificaciones. River divaga camino al colapso y le quedan 45’ para una misión que increíblemente ya suena a utopía: dar vuelta un resultado. Hace 27 partidos que no puede. #Fútbol #RiverPlate #Coudet