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Magdalena Majkowska stated that lawyer Magdalena Prządka from Ordo Iuris was at the police station on Wilcza Street in Warsaw and demanded to contact the man who had been brutally detained that day in connection with the events surrounding the Constitutional Tribunal. As Majkowska reported, the police spokesman assured that contacting the defender was not a problem, yet Prządka still could not meet with the detainee. Majkowska reminded, citing Article 245 § 1 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, that the detained person is entitled to immediate contact and a direct conversation with a lawyer. #PrawaCzłowieka #TrybunałKonstytucyjny #Polska (translated)

Magdalena Majkowska wrote that lawyer Magdalena Prządka from Ordo Iuris was at the police station on Wilcza Street in Warsaw and demanded contact with the man who — according to Majkowska — was brutally arrested that day in connection with the events surrounding the Constitutional Tribunal. She added that the police spokesman assured that contact with the defense attorney was not a problem, although Prządka still could not meet with the detainee. Majkowska pointed out that according to Article 245 § 1 of the Criminal Procedure Code, the detainee has the right to immediate contact with a lawyer and a direct conversation with him. #Polska #Prawo #TrybunałKonstytucyjny (translated)

Borut Rončević wrote that following the announcement of a comprehensive reform of education, he experienced increasing political and media pressure. He described the story about airline tickets as an attempt to discredit the responsible minister and a political showdown, but added that ministers are obliged to explain the use of public money. According to him, information about the travel habits of previous governments shows that the current outrage is not due to concern for public finances, but rather opposition to the reform. Rončević believed that unions and the educational establishment had too much influence on education policy in the past. He attributed a legitimate role to unions in representing employees, but said their influence should not include veto power over the substantive direction of the reform. He also claimed that the educational establishment had harmed the system in the last three decades by following a progressive ideology. Regarding the left and the Left, he wrote that they sought ideological hegemony primarily through the fields of education and culture. He emphasized that in preparing the reform, teachers, principals, parents, students, researchers, local communities, and the economy are involved, while unions should participate in discussions about salaries, working conditions, and employee rights. In his view, those politically responsible should decide on the direction of changes based on data and professional analyses. As ten starting points for the reform, he listed a greater emphasis on knowledge, high standards, the development of students' potentials, work ethic, patriotic and civic education, ideological neutrality, the authority of teachers, early literacy, digital and other knowledge for the future, and broader responsibility in shaping school policy. Rončević announced the relocation of the ministry to Novo mesto, a reduction in the number of employees, and strict limitations on remote work. He stated that the success of the reorganization should be measured by faster responses, timely resolution of issues, lower costs, clearer distribution of responsibilities, and user satisfaction. He wrote that the reform has the support of a broader public, parents, teachers, and the coalition, according to the data he presented. He expected even more pressure, including media publications, reports to the Commission for Prevention of Corruption, criminal charges, petitions, and interpellations, and announced that he would not abandon or soften the changes because of them. #reformaizobraževanja #javnofinanciranje #politika (translated)

Magda wrote that Święczkowski voluntarily handed over documents to the prosecutor, which he could request according to the Code of Criminal Procedure, and then concluded that the prosecutor might have committed a crime punishable by up to 20 years in prison. She described this situation as reminiscent of Monty Python with commentary on the penal code, rather than the Constitutional Tribunal. #prawo #polityka #TrybunałKonstytucyjny (translated)

Barbara Pance noted that millions from GEN-I were directed to selected media and lawyers under the scrutiny of the Commission for the Prevention of Corruption. She stated that it amounted to 3 million euros for media and 3 million for lawyers, and that the financial flows increased the most before the elections. She added that the public has the right to know how much money state-owned companies allocate to the media and for what purpose. https://t.co/sA9ztTiygC #mediji #transparentnost #finančnistrok (translated)

The Estonian handball cup competitions will begin with a week full of intrigue-filled games, featuring seven teams, including Põlva Serviti, Tallinna Mistra, and Mustamäe KPK, with the first matches played already this week. #käsipall #EestiKarikavõistlused #spordiuudised (translated)

❗️EXPLANATION In connection with the politicians' spin regarding the prosecutor's opposition to the issuance of the ironclad letter, which allegedly prevented the District Court from issuing such a letter, I present statements from court rulings indicating that this is an ABSOLUTELY INCORRECT understanding of the provision of Article 281 paragraph 2 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. 👉🏻As noted by the Court of Appeal in Gdańsk in its ruling of March 29, 2022, case file II AKz 222/22: “The understanding of the provision of Article 281 § 2 of the Code of Criminal Procedure in such a way that the prosecutor's opposition would be binding on the district court would lead to systemic inconsistency and would at the same time be an expression of the prosecutor's privilege over the suspect, while reducing the district court to the role of a subordinate entity to the prosecutor's decision. Such a solution would be extremely ineffective and contradict the requirements of procedural economy, which speaks against involving in a specific proceeding as a procedural body an entity that does not have full powers to resolve the issue at stake in that proceeding. If the legislator intended to grant the prosecutor a decisive voice regarding the issuance of an ironclad letter, considering that they should be equipped with that competence as the body conducting the preparatory proceedings and responsible for its effects, they should have done so explicitly by modifying the provisions on functional competence for issuing an ironclad letter in preparatory proceedings. Since this has not been done, leaving this decision in the hands of the district court, the current regulatory provisions - given their lack of clarity and their systemic inconsistency - should be interpreted on the assumption that primacy should be given to the interpretation taking into account systemic assumptions, including rules resulting from the principles of adversariality and equality of the parties. In summary, the systemic and functional interpretation of Article 281 § 2 of the Code of Criminal Procedure leads to the conclusion that the district court considering the suspect's application for the issuance of an ironclad letter in pre-trial proceedings is not bound by the prosecutor's opposition.” 👉🏻Also, the Court of Appeal in Krakow in the case with case file II AKz 523/22 in the justification of the ruling of February 7, 2023: “Analyzing the linguistic interpretation of the aforementioned provision, it is necessary to refer to the designation of the word opposition, which is 'disagreement, protest' (according to SJP PWN - internet service), 'resisting in any form' (...). Also, in the systemic context of the criminal procedure act, 'opposition' means a lack of consent to a specific decision or procedural action and entails a negatory or cassatory effect. This is also how this institution is perceived by W. Hermeliński and B. Nita-Światłowska, indicating that after the amendment the prosecutor was supposed (allegedly) to have the possibility of 'blocking the court with their statement of disagreement on the issuance of an ironclad letter' (...). Therefore, it cannot be acknowledged that the legislator in the amendment to the procedural law on April 20, 2021, established a separate form of 'opposition' and granted the prosecutor shaping powers, i.e., the ability to bind the court with conditions under which the court would consider the suspect's application, especially in the context of applying and shaping the financial guarantee indicated in Article 283 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. This is also supported by the purposive and logical interpretation of the mentioned regulation. The institution of opposition contained in Article 281 § 2 of the Code of Criminal Procedure is of an extraordinary nature and was intended by the legislator to limit the judicial independence of the court. Adopting the concept of the possibility of conditioning the opposition on exonerating conditions would lead to a further limitation of the judicial independence of the court than in the case of a literal reading of the provision. (...) In summary - the prosecutor's opposition indicated in Article 281 § 2 of the Code of Criminal Procedure has a purely negatory character and cannot be burdened with any reservations. This does not take away from the prosecutor's ability to formulate a specific procedural position regarding the conditions for the issuance of an ironclad letter - nevertheless, the court ruling on the subject of the ironclad letter is not bound by them.” #prawo #polityka #sprawiedliwość (translated)

KPK je izgubila kredibilnost. Kaj se dogaja? Včeraj se je KPK aktivno vključila v parlamentarni postopek zakona o skladu za zdravljenje otrok z redkimi boleznimi. Na povezave in vprašanja, ki jih odpira ta primer, opozarja tudi poslanec @ZCernac 👇 Tina Divjak, danes namestnica predsednice KPK, je bila skoraj 15 let vodja zagovorništva in namestnica direktorja CNVOS. CNVOS vodi Goran Forbici, ki danes ostro nasprotuje spremembam financiranja. KPK se vključi v zakon. Nekdanja vodilna oseba CNVOS je danes v vodstvu KPK. Forbici pa je eden najglasnejših nasprotnikov sprememb. In potem naj verjamemo, da je vse to zgolj naključje? Kaj pa denar? Kdo ga je dobival, kdo ga deli in kdo ga želi obdržati? KPK je izgubila kredibilnost. Zahtevamo odgovornost in odstop njenega vodstva! #KPK #politika #odgovornost

.@poglajen🚨 KPK je v zadevi Karigador ugotovila nasprotje interesov. Golobov odgovor? Napoved tožbe. 👉 Pred volitvami polna usta integritete in visokih standardov. 🤷 ❓Si je Robert Golob tudi v tem primeru integriteto predstavljal nekoliko drugače❓ https://t.co/qB7itGxdlm #integriteta #volitve #politika

Ni jih motila Litijska. Ni jih motilo 13.000 računalnikov. Ni jih motil Star Solar. Ni jih motil DARS. Ni jih motila afera Bobnar. Ni jih motilo, ko je KPK ugotovila kršitve integritete,... 4 leta nič. Očitno problem nikoli ni bil v tem, kaj vlada počne, ampak kdo vlado vodi. https://t.co/EYWwahUZTc #Slovenija #politika #integriteta

V Svobodi radi govorijo o prevarah volivcev, pa bi samo spomnil, da je Golob dejal, da bo odstopil, če mu ne uspe sestaviti vlade, da bo odstopil, če ga KPK spozna za krivega kršenja integritete, kaj šele, da bi ga preganjal SDT. K sreči volivci na levi znajo odpuščati svojim. #volitve #politika #Slovenija

Babiš se zlobí na zpravodajce, že ho neinformovali o ruské dezinfokampani. Současně si z našich daní vydržuje sovětskou poradkyni Natašu Vachatovou ze Sputniku, která usiluje o likvidaci mechanismů bránících ČR před ruskou propagandou. Více v článku. 👇 https://t.co/kpKfpQnpZO https://t.co/xPv0EsHi23 #dezinformace #Rusko #propaganda

Piesiewicz usłyszy dzisiaj zarzuty, dostanie zakaz kontaktu z resztą mafii i zakaz opuszczania kraju. Prokurator prowadzący śledztwo ma prawo zastosować tzw. wolnościowy środek zapobiegawczy w postaci zawieszenia w wykonywaniu obowiązków służbowych (art. 276 KPK) #mafia #prawo #polska