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https://bjarnekimpedersen.blogspot.com/2026/08/03082026-de-brnder-ukrainske-bger.html 03.08.2026 DE BRÆNDER UKRAINSKE BØGER Hvem er det i historien som har brændt bøger. Jeg læste i Politiken Kim Skottes intellektuelle forklaring på hvorfor despoter er bange for digte. Den henrettede Renaissance var Stalins forsøg på at udrydde den ukrainske elite år forinden havde han med Holodomor forsøgt at udrydde Ukrainerne. I de besatte ukrainske områder bliver ukrainske bøger brændt og ukrainsk forbudt i skolerne. I den russiske blitz mod Ukraine går Den Russiske Verden målrettet efter ukrainske bøger Forlag Trykkerier Boglagre bliver ramt ved planlagte angreb. Men Russiske Verden I vil fejle som Hitler fejlede ukrainsk lever og vil overleve. Despoter er bange for digte bange for ord.

From his prison in the United States, Nicolás Maduro, the former Venezuelan president, expressed his support for any dialogue between the government and the opposition in Venezuela, which is set to begin next week under American supervision, while mentioning a national revival as a common goal. (translated)

During his first campaign meeting, Gabriel Attal, a candidate for the 2027 presidential election and leader of the Renaissance party, promised to implement the largest institutional reform since 1958 by consulting the French people every year through a referendum, reducing the number of parliamentarians, and decentralizing the territorial organization of France. (translated)

🔴🇫🇷 𝗙𝗟𝗔𝗦𝗛 𝗜𝗡𝗙𝗢 — Le parti Renaissance de Gabriel Attal a été condamné à verser 10 000 € à Marine Le Pen et au Rassemblement national dans le litige portant sur l’utilisation du mot « Renaissance ». Le parti présidentiel avait assigné le RN en justice pour « contrefaçon », reprochant à Marine Le Pen d’avoir utilisé le slogan de campagne « Pour la France, la Renaissance » en vue de l’élection présidentielle de 2027. Le tribunal a rejeté les demandes du parti Renaissance, l’a condamné aux dépens et à verser 5 000 € à Marine Le Pen ainsi que 5 000 € au Rassemblement national. (Source : Le Parisien) #France #Politique #Election2027

« Quel culot », « Je vous aime mais faut doser » : les Jeunes en Marche (Renaissance) font polémique après un coup de com remplaçant des génies européens sur les propositions de nouveaux billets… par des figures du macronisme https://t.co/FXZHO85A7e https://t.co/2QBICxJ8B0 #politique #Macron #JeunesEnMarche

Je suis Français. Et je préfère 100 fois Elon Musk et je lui fais 100 fois plus confiance que à nos politiciens corrompus jusqu’à la moelle pour défendre les démocraties en Europe. Elon est un Occidental. Nous allons bientôt ré-unifier l’Occident et chasser les idées globalo-communistes. Et avoir une vraie renaissance. Vive cette PLS intergalactique. https://t.co/oXO3Lz45ea #ElonMusk #Occident #Démocratie

Kinderen moeten op school geen twijfel aangepraat krijgen over hun eigen lichaam. De traditionele onderwijsvisie van de Renaissanceschool zal kinderen nóóit onderwerpen aan de LHBTI-ideologie. ➡️ https://t.co/xWquXsOYMp https://t.co/3Y0oL2PbT2 #Onderwijs #LHBTI #Kinderen

🚨 Si vous ne lisez qu’un post aujourd’hui On va créer notre propre langage ! 💡 Il m’est venu une idée ! Pour contourner la censure, on va créer notre propre façon de communiquer en utilisant les armes du pouvoir, des médias et des syndicats véreux pour les retourner contre eux. On va faire la promotion outrancière de toutes leurs folies. C’est inattaquable. Ça les ridiculise. Nous avons L’OBLIGATION D’ETRE CRÉATIFS dans notre pays, pionnier en Europe du « soft fascisme » que j’avais annoncé quelques semaines avant le 1er tour de la Présidentielle en 2017 sur le plateau de @tvlofficiel, suite à une question de @BildMartial. Exemple (réécriture de mon post)👇 Tout est sous nos yeux. À vous de voir… la lumière ! Le 1er syndicat de journalistes, pilier sacré de notre démocratie et rempart invincible contre les ténèbres de la désinformation, le @SNJ_national, vient de publier un communiqué d’une clairvoyance prophétique dans lequel il salue avec ferveur et reconnaissance le rapport des trois sénateurs visionnaires sur les « zones grises de l’information ». Il applaudit avec enthousiasme le renforcement salvateur des aides publiques (européennes et nationales) aux médias de qualité, et surtout l’urgence bienvenue de réguler les grandes plateformes dont les algorithmes, selon ces sages, propagent des « contenus mensongers ou déformés » qui menacent le débat démocratique. En clair : le SNJ appelle à plus de soutien du contribuable pour une presse libre, rigoureuse et de qualité, et à un contrôle étatique protecteur pour remettre les médias mainstream, ces cathédrales de l’information fiable, au centre du jeu. C’EST UNE BÉNÉDICTION ABSOLUE POUR NOTRE RÉPUBLIQUE ! J’avais mis en garde depuis longtemps contre les périls de la désinformation sauvage et du chaos informationnel. Quelle joie immense de voir que la solution courageuse et responsable est enfin à portée de main ! Au lieu de s’enliser dans une autocritique stérile, le SNJ choisit la voie noble et inspirée : s’appuyer sur l’État et ses régulateurs bienveillants pour sécuriser l’espace public, promouvoir la visibilité des contenus de qualité et protéger le pluralisme authentique. Saluer un rapport qui pousse pour un observatoire de la « désinformation intérieure », pour des évolutions de la loi de 1881 adaptées aux défis de notre temps, et pour des algorithmes qui privilégient « l’information de qualité » (c’est-à-dire celle produite avec éthique, déontologie et rigueur), c’est encourager la sauvegarde de notre cher débat démocratique et la renaissance d’un journalisme au service du bien commun. Un syndicat censé défendre la liberté de la presse qui se réjouit de mesures protectrices pour « combler les absences du gouvernement » ? Sublime ! C’est la preuve définitive que ces femmes et ces hommes ont élevé leur mission au rang de sacerdoce : défendre la profession avec intégrité, en acceptant les subventions méritées, le statut protecteur et l’influence salutaire au service de la vérité. Au lieu de journalistes esseulés face au chaos numérique, on a des gardiens éclairés du temple de l’information qui choisissent la régulation vertueuse plutôt que l’anarchie des contenus toxiques. Le basculement vers les chaînes alternatives et les voix indépendantes n’est pas un accident : c’est l’appel urgent à renforcer ces mesures providentielles pour ramener le public égaré vers les sources fiables et reconnues. Je me félicite chaque jour de voir le SNJ, nos sénateurs inspirés, l’Arcom et toutes les institutions de la République œuvrer de concert pour défendre ce modèle français exceptionnel de presse de qualité, soutenue par la collectivité et protégée contre les menaces qui pèsent sur elle. Heureux sont ceux qui, fidèles à leur carte de presse, participent à ce combat noble aux côtés de ce syndicat visionnaire ! Vive le SNJ, gardien de la vérité ! Vive les aides publiques à la presse libre ! Vive la régulation protectrice de nos démocraties ! Vive la France éclairée ! #LibertéDeLaPresse #Démocratie #InformationFiable

📚 PABO-leerkrachten gezocht! In augustus opent de eerste @poRenaissance haar deuren. Maar de ambities van de Tocquevillestichting reiken verder: privéscholen door heel Nederland. Kom je ons netwerk van docenten versterken? Mail naar [email protected] voor een gesprek! https://t.co/mdqO1AMkdk #onderwijs #vacature #leraren

| JULY 2026 | The Guard State How the largest Arab nation became a security contractor at the gates of its own people By Adham Hasanin Egyptian journalist and political writer, based in the Netherlands In June 2025, hundreds of activists from forty countries landed at Cairo airport. Doctors from France, lawyers from Australia, students from the United States, pensioners from the Netherlands. They carried no weapons and no banned slogans; they carried backpacks, walking shoes, and a single intention: to march from Arish to the Rafah crossing — entirely on Egyptian soil — to demand that food be allowed through to a people starving behind the gate. Not one of them reached Rafah. More than two hundred were detained before the march could begin. Around five hundred foreign nationals were deported from airports, hotels, and checkpoints. Passports were confiscated, activists were pulled out of downtown Cairo cafés, and the Global March to Gaza was cancelled on 16 June without taking its first step. And the world watched. This was no secret operation in a dark basement; it happened in the open, documented by the deportees’ own phone cameras, carried by every international news agency. The world watched an Arab state arrest Europeans, Americans, and Africans for wanting to walk towards Palestine. A state guarding the gate of a siege — from the side that was supposed to be the side of rescue. Hold that image, because it is the key to everything that follows. This was not an aberration in Egyptian policy, nor an isolated security decision. It is the function — the complete function around which the Egyptian state has been redefined over the past decade, and which it is time to call by its proper name: the Guard State. I. The Name — What Do We Mean by the Guard State? Political economy has long described states that live off the rent of their location rather than the production of their people. But what has crystallised in Egypt over the past decade goes beyond traditional geographic rent — the Suez Canal, say — into something far graver: the conversion of sovereignty itself into a commodity for hire. The Guard State does not sell its location; it sells its function. It collects its wages not for what it produces, but for what it prevents: it prevents the refugee from reaching Europe, the activist from reaching Gaza, its own people from reaching politics, and the resistance’s weapons from reaching their destination. Four gates, guarded by a single machine, whose wages are paid in loans, deposits, and perpetually renewed rescue packages. This is not a rhetorical metaphor; it is an economic structure with numbers attached. When the Egyptian economy collapsed in 2024, it was rescued not by productive reform but by a single deal whose subject was location: Ras el-Hekma — thirty-five billion dollars for a stretch of coastline. And whenever negotiations with the IMF stall, the tranches are unlocked by explicit European pressure whose subject is migration: nine billion euros from the European Union in the 2024 “Strategic Partnership,” whose own documents place “migration management” at its core. Europe does not pay Egypt to prosper. It pays Egypt to guard. Thus the model is complete: income in exchange for prevention, external legitimacy in exchange for guarding, and international silence about domestic tyranny in exchange for keeping the gates controlled. To see how the model works on the ground, consider the bloodiest gate of all: the gate of Gaza. II. The Gaza Gate — The Guard Who Is Himself Searched The first paradox must be nailed down with facts: Egypt is not a sovereign guard of its own crossing; it is a searched guard. Egyptian relief trucks — ninety-two thousand food parcels in a single convoy this month — are subject to Israeli inspection before entering the Strip: from Egyptian soil, through a crossing that bears an Egyptian name. The state that guards the gate does not hold its key. It owns the threshold, but not the door. Then the October 2025 truce added a new layer to the function. Under the fifteen-point roadmap sponsored by the international envoy together with the “guarantor states” — Egypt foremost among them — Cairo is to train the civilian police force that will replace Hamas in administering the Strip, under the slogan of “one authority, one law, one weapon.” Let us call things by their names: the state that could not — or would not — deliver a loaf of bread without Israeli permission is now qualifying to graduate the security apparatus that will oversee the disarming of the resistance. From guarding the siege to administering what comes after the siege — a promotion within the same project. And meanwhile, what is happening behind the guarded gate? Since the truce, more than one thousand one hundred Palestinians have been killed by Israeli fire — the latest, just two days ago, a ten-year-old boy named Motaz Abu Shaar, carried to his grave in Khan Younis by his mother, Warda. A United Nations commission of inquiry has concluded that Israel is “deliberately targeting children in an ongoing genocide.” This is what the guarantors’ official language calls a “ceasefire.” What meaning is left in the word “guarantor”? A guarantor that the gate stays firmly shut — however high the dead pile up behind it. III. The Mediterranean Gate — The Guard Europe Pays For The second gate faces north. Since 2016, Cairo has boasted — through its officials at every European forum — that “not a single irregular migration boat has departed from Egyptian shores.” This is very nearly true. But the forbidden question is: at what political price has this “efficiency” become an instrument of mutual blackmail? Europe — which condemns Egypt’s human rights record in its parliamentary resolutions — is the same Europe that signed the nine-billion-euro partnership, and the same Europe that stays silent about sixty thousand political prisoners because the alternative, in its calculations, is boats that never stop. And Cairo understands the game and has mastered it: whenever human rights pressure intensifies, the official discourse turns up the volume on “Egypt hosts millions of refugees” and “the last line of defence.” The result is a perfect structure of mutual blackmail: Europe buys its conscience’s silence, the regime sells its location, and the people — Egyptian and refugee alike — are the commodity in the transaction. The democracies that lecture on values are financing the guard who keeps the victims from knocking on their doors. This is not passing hypocrisy; it is a structural partnership in the Guard State model — one that makes Brussels and Berlin shareholders in everything this state produces, from domestic repression to external siege. IV. The Interior Gate — Guarding the People Against Politics But the most dangerous gate is not on any border; it is inside. The Guard State cannot perform its external function unless it first guards an internal gate: the people’s gate to politics. The function requires a people that does not ask: why are we guarding the siege of our brothers? Why are our trucks searched on our own soil? Why are guests deported for coming to walk in peace? To guarantee the question is never asked, the largest silencing machine in the country’s history was built: sixty thousand prisoners of opinion, a press ranked 166th out of 180 worldwide, and a state security case number waiting for anyone who writes. I write these lines from experience, not from reading reports. When I continued writing from my Dutch exile, the machine reached me across continents: accounts shut down by coordinated mass-reporting campaigns, documented threats, a family harassed inside Egypt as leverage — and my name entered into Case 1282 of 2024, not for any act I committed, but for opinions written from free European soil. This is not a personal complaint; it is a job description: the Guard State guards even beyond its borders, because the free word — wherever it is written — threatens the entire contract of guardianship. The logic is perfectly self-consistent: a regime that sells “stability” abroad cannot tolerate a voice revealing that the stability on offer is the stillness of graveyards. This is why the arrest of the foreign activists in June 2025 was inevitable, not incidental: a peaceful march reaching Rafah would have revealed, before the world’s cameras, that the gate opens when it is wanted open — and that the one keeping it shut is a partner, not a mediator. V. What Has Egypt Lost? — The Guard’s Bill An apologist might argue: what is the harm? A state monetising its location as Norway monetises its oil. The answer lies in the essential difference: Norway sells a resource; Egypt leases its will. And the difference between the two is the difference between trade and bondage. Let us tally what Egypt has paid for this model, in bare facts. It lost its water sovereignty: the Renaissance Dam was completed and filled without the state — owner of “the largest defence headquarters in the world” — daring anything beyond statements of concern; for the guard does not make trouble for the international order that employs him. It lost its regional standing: in the Iran–America war halted just weeks ago, Cairo was neither party nor mediator nor even consultant — Pakistan brokered the deal, while Egypt absorbed the economic shrapnel of Hormuz’s closure like a bystander caught in a battle whose parties it does not know. It lost its place in the conscience of its nation: the state that liberated its land in 1973 and led the Arab world for a century has become, in the eyes of the Arab street from the Atlantic to the Gulf, the gatekeeper of the siege. This loss, specifically, no loan or deposit can repay — because it is the only capital that cannot be printed. And it lost — here is the crux — the very national security in whose name the guarding is justified. The model proved its fragility at the moment of testing: when Israel feared an Iranian response last year, it cut off Egypt’s gas by unilateral decision within hours. The guard who believed himself a partner discovered he was merely a hireling whose wages stop the moment danger arrives. VI. The Alternative Is Not a Slogan — It Is the Recovery of the Original Function I will not close with an essay on “the solution lies in Arab unity”; worn-out words kill more surely than silence. The alternative is specific, and it begins with redefining the function. The state is not a guard; the state is the agent of its people’s will. Every foreign policy not derived from that will is — by definition — functional servitude, however it is wrapped in the language of wisdom and moderation. And the Egyptian will is known and needs no referendum: no people in this region accepts that its country serve as warden of the siege of Gaza, or as Europe’s border post. Practically, the recovery begins with three measurable steps. Open the Rafah crossing fully and sovereignly, by purely Egyptian decision — that alone would overturn the equation of the siege. Break the negotiating bondage by linking any cooperation on migration to concrete European positions on Palestine, not statements of concern. And open the interior gate — release the prisoners and lift the hand from the written word — because a state that fears an article will never dare face an occupier. I know the current regime will do none of this; guarding is its founding contract and its financial artery. But this article is not written for the regime. It is written for memory, and for the generation that will inherit the gates — so that it knows that what is presented to it today as “the fate of geography” is no fate at all. It is an employment contract, signed by a regime without a mandate from its people. And contracts, however long they run, end when one of their parties does. And the world — I return to where I began — is a witness that requires no further proof. It watched the deportees at Cairo airport; it watched the searched trucks; it watched Warda Abu Shaar carry her son to his grave behind a firmly guarded gate. The question is no longer: what is happening? The only question left is: who dares to name it? This article is a naming. Adham Hasanin is an Egyptian journalist and political writer based in the Netherlands, covering Arab and European political affairs.

En parlant d'ingérence américaine : Bruno Le Maire : ancien ministre, conseiller chez Macro Advisory Partners. Jean-Baptiste Djebbari : ancien ministre, conseiller chez FTI Consulting. Martin Bohmert : ancien patron des Jeunes avec Macron, McKinsey. Philippe Englebert : ancien conseiller de Macron, dirigeant chez Lazard. Hugh Bailey : ancien conseiller à Bercy, passé chez General Electric. Paul Midy : député Renaissance, ancien consultant McKinsey. Marguerite Cazeneuve : ancienne conseillère santé, passée par McKinsey. Ariane Komorn : ancienne cadre de LREM, ex-McKinsey. Guillaume Liegey : organisateur de la campagne Macron, ex-McKinsey. Mathieu Maucort : ancien conseiller ministériel, ex-McKinsey. Guillaume Kasbarian : ancien ministre, ex-Monitor Group. Alexandre Holroyd : ancien député LREM, ex-FTI Consulting. Jean-René Cazeneuve : député Renaissance, ancien dirigeant d’Apple. Jacques Marilossian : ancien député LREM, passé par IBM et Oracle. Olivia Grégoire : ancienne ministre, ex-DDB, groupe Omnicom. Élisabeth Moreno : ancienne ministre, ex-présidente de HP Afrique. Astrid Panosyan-Bouvet : cofondatrice d’En Marche, ex-A.T. Kearney. Emmanuel Moulin : secrétaire général de l’Élysée, ancien de Citigroup. Frédéric Michel : conseiller de Macron, ex-Lupa Systems à New York. Mireille Clapot : ancienne députée LREM, passée par Owens-Illinois. Éric Labaye : nommé à Polytechnique sous Macron, ancien patron de McKinsey France. Karim Tadjeddine : associé McKinsey, soutien bénévole de projets macronistes. Éric Hazan : cadre de McKinsey, impliqué autour de la campagne de 2017. #Macron #Consulting #Politique

Au salon de Farnborough, Boeing cherche à démontrer sa renaissance après une grave crise en augmentant ses capacités de production et en avançant vers la certification de ses nouveaux avions, tout en faisant face à des défis liés à l'approvisionnement et à des délais de livraison pour ses clients. #Boeing #Aéronautique #Farnborough