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Η εφημερίδα ΕΣΤΙΑ του κ. Γιάννη Φιλιππάκη και του ομίλου @DimokratiaGr πολεμά σκληρά την Κυβέρνηση και τον @kmitsotakis προσωπικά. Αυτό είναι απολύτως θεμιτό μέσα σε μια Δημοκρατία. Άλλωστε και στο παρελθόν το ίδιο σκληρά ή και σκληρότερα, ο ίδιος όμιλος πολεμούσε τον @samaras_antonis θυμίζω ότι η «Δημοκρατία» ήταν ένα από τα βασικά έντυπα που υποστήριξε την σκευωρία Novartis, κατηγορώντας ως κλέφτη, όχι μόνον εμένα αλλά και τον Αντώνη Σαμαρά. Τώρα για να πλήξει τον Μητσοτάκη προσπαθεί να πει ότι στηρίζει Σαμαρά (φυσικά κανείς δεν τους πιστεύει διότι όλοι θυμόμαστε όσα έλεγαν και έγραφαν για τον κ. Σαμαρά όταν ήταν Πρωθυπουργός…) Στο σημερινό της πρωτοσέλιδο η εφημερίδα όμως ισχυρίζεται ότι ο «Σαμαράς μου έκανε μάθημα για την woke ατζέντα κλπ μέσω του θέματος που προέκυψε με το «άλλο φύλο» στις οδηγίες του ΕΟΠΥΥ»…. Φυσικά κανένα μάθημα δεν μου έκανε κανένας, δεν υπηρέτησα ποτέ και δεν υπηρετώ την woke ατζέντα, ο δε γάμος των ομοφυλόφιλων δεν είναι μέρος της όπως έχω εξηγήσει πολλές φορές. Ο Πρόεδρος Τραμπ πχ ο σημερινός παγκόσμιος ηγέτης κατά της woke ατζέντας, έχει Υπουργό των Οικονομικών του άνδρα παντρεμένο με άνδρα που έχουν υιοθετήσει παιδιά. Η woke ατζέντα είναι πολλά πράγματα, αλλά ο γάμος δεν είναι μέσα σε αυτά. Η συζήτηση όμως αυτή έχει γίνει στο παρελθόν και ο καθένας μας έχει βγάλει τα συμπεράσματα του. Πάμε τώρα κύριε Κοττάκη στο επίμαχο. Επί Πρωθυπουργίας Αντώνη Σαμαρά οι ίδιες επιλογές φύλου, όπως αυτές που παρουσιάσατε χθες, ήταν στις οδηγίες του ΕΟΠΥΥ χωρίς κανείς τότε να ενδιαφερθεί να τις αλλάξει. Υπηρετούσε ο Αντώνης Σαμαρας τότε την woke ατζέντα; Οχι αλλά στην Δύση είχαν επικρατήσει σε πολλά σημεία τέτοιες απόψεις, που είχαν οδηγήσει σε τέτοια πανευρωπαϊκά πρότυπα. Ούτε εγώ με την ηλεκτρονική πλατφόρμα που αποκαλύψατε χθες, ούτε ο Αντώνης Σαμαράς δεν υπηρετούμε αυτή την ατζέντα. Ένα λάθος ήταν τότε, λάθος και τώρα, αλλά τώρα λόγω του θορύβου διορθώθηκε. Επί της ουσίας η Κυβέρνηση μας ποτέ δεν αναγνώρισε κάτι άλλο πλην των δύο φύλων. Και ναι τα πολλαπλά φύλα είναι woke ατζέντα αλλά εμείς δεν υπηρετήσαμε, ούτε υπηρετούμε την ατζέντα αυτή και σίγουρα όχι εγώ. Άρα κύριε Κοττάκη χαίρομαι που τώρα στηρίζοντας Σαμαρά εμμέσως πλην σαφώς αναγνωρίζετε ότι ο πόλεμος που του κάνατε ως Πρωθυπουργός τότε ήταν αισχρός και λάθος, αλλά τα μαθήματα αφήστε τα για τους δασκάλους στα σχολεία. Καλημέρα σας #Δημοκρατία #Πολιτική #Γάμος

Giuseppe Conte, former prime minister and leader of the 5 Star Movement, seeks to establish himself as the progressive leader of the left in Italy with an approach that prioritizes the economy and social welfare over woke culture, arguing that the latter could distract from the economic urgencies faced by the middle class and the most vulnerable sectors of society. (translated)

Come ampiamente previsto a sinistra è già partito lo psicodramma dei nostalgici del woke come Concita. Tutto dibattito interno, sempre dibattito interno. Nell'attesa che facciano le primarie per stabilire se è meglio il woke 1 o il woke 2 la Destra intende lasciare i punti di potere conquistati dal woke totalmente presidiati o vuole fare qualcosa per smantellare l'ingiustizia? #woke #politica #destra

Woke ist auf dem Rückzug. „In einer überraschenden Wendung hat die linke US-Demokratin Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez die woke Ideologie für „verrückt“ erklärt. Ganz ähnlich formuliert es ein populärer Politiker der italienischen Linken.“ https://t.co/hJtgTv969u #Woke #Politik #USDemokraten

Arnout Jaspers: De woke ‘wetenschap’ van charlatan Jason Arday kent ook in Nederland prominente beoefenaars. Leestip ! https://t.co/uyg8wdqssc #Wetenschap #Woke #Wetenschap #Woke #Charlatanijselijks

🚨🚨 ALERTA WOKE. Miren a donde fueron estos 320.000€ de sus impuestos hace dos semanas: “COSTA RICA. Gobernanza Productiva del Agropaisaje, conectividad ecológica y fortalecimiento de los medios de vida de comunidades en Tortuguero” https://t.co/aOnA0lwRwe #Impuestos #CostaRica #Sostenibilidad

De FVD-school viert het sinterklaasfeest gewoon traditioneel, mét Zwarte Piet. Geen woke gedoe, eindeloze kleurdiscussies of activisten die zelfs een kinderfeest willen veranderen in een ideologisch slagveld. Gewoon pepernoten, cadeautjes, vrolijke kinderen en een traditie die niet bij ieder nieuw politiek modeverschijnsel hoeft te worden herschreven. Laat kinderen vooral genieten van het feest, zonder dat volwassenen er voortdurend hun culturele strijd overheen gooien. #Sinterklaas #Traditie #Pepernoten

The Psychology of the Modern Leftist Once you understand the psychology of the modern leftist, the last decade of the woke revolution makes more sense. The endless outrage, hypersensitivity, and rejection of rational debate may reflect something deeper than ideology: a crisis of self-worth expressed as a moral crusade. “Leftist” is a broad term, but here it refers to socialists, collectivists, LGBTQ activists, and similar movements. What unites them may be more than politics; it may also be a psychological orientation. Modern leftism can be associated with feelings of inferiority, low self-esteem, powerlessness, guilt, self-hatred, and resentment. These feelings may be repressed while still influencing behavior. The hypersensitivity to language illustrates this. Words once used without negative intent can become symbols of oppression through activist campaigns. Ironically, those most offended are sometimes privileged academics rather than the minorities they claim to defend. Many leftists identify with groups perceived as weak or disadvantaged. This may reflect genuine compassion, but it can also involve projecting personal feelings of weakness onto others. Strength, success, competition, and rationality can consequently become objects of suspicion. Western civilization, America, and other symbols of power may be treated similarly. The criticism can also be inconsistent. Flaws condemned in Western societies may be excused when found in socialist regimes or traditional cultures. This suggests that resentment may sometimes play a role alongside genuine moral concerns. Self-reliance, personal responsibility, and merit are often viewed skeptically, while collectivism is favored. Objective truth can also become threatening because it creates distinctions: some arguments are better than others, and some people succeed while others fail. When equality of outcome becomes the moral standard, truth, merit, and individualism may be attacked—not necessarily to uplift the oppressed, but to reduce psychological discomfort. When victimhood becomes central to identity, problems may no longer simply be discovered; they can become necessary to sustain that identity.

The Never-Ending Movement One of the deepest paradoxes of the social justice movement is that it uses narratives of oppression to gain institutional power, then claims victimhood as that power grows. It is no longer at the gates. It is inside the bureaucracy, media, academia, arts, and corporations it once opposed. Many think “woke” has run out of steam. I think it has solidified. DEI has not disappeared; it has often been renamed. “Diversity and inclusion” becomes “belonging,” while the offices, staff, and mandates remain. The letterhead changes; the apparatus survives. The movement cannot declare victory because victory would mean surrendering its institutional power. A political party wants to govern; a movement must keep moving. Once it stops, it loses its purpose. Intersectionality makes perpetual subdivision possible. People are classified into ever-smaller groups of oppressors and oppressed. Equality before the law has a measurable endpoint. Equality of outcome does not. Every remaining disparity can therefore become evidence that more intervention is needed. Revolutions also tend to consume their own. The Jacobins eventually turned on their fellow revolutionaries. The Bolsheviks purged their own. Mao mobilized the Red Guards before suppressing them. The pattern is simple: stop, and you are a traitor; continue, and eventually you become the target. Nietzsche identified a psychological engine beneath this dynamic: ressentiment. Goodness is defined through opposition to an alleged oppressor, making the enemy a source of moral identity. Remove the enemy and the movement loses its purpose. That is why new grievances and villains must continually be produced. A conventional reform program can declare victory and disappear. Ressentiment cannot, because victory removes the enemy that gives it meaning. The movement therefore may fear completion more than failure. They do not fear that they will fail. They fear that they might finish.

When the Fog Begins to Lift If you feel as though the world is going crazy, you’re not imagining things. Over the past decade, a media-driven “woke” movement gripped Western societies, creating what Michael Shellenberger calls “mass psychosis.” He argues that Democrats and media figures labeled opponents of DEI, racial quotas, and open borders as far-right—not because those people had changed, but because the political left had moved dramatically further left on cultural issues. Evidence continues to support this view. U.S. General Social Survey data suggests that center- and right-leaning opinions have remained relatively stable since the early 2000s, while left-wing views have shifted substantially. Meanwhile, publications such as *The New York Times* and *The Washington Post* sharply increased their use of terms like “racist” and “white privilege” after 2012. Shellenberger writes: “The media did this. The mass brainwashing came from college-educated elites in control of the most powerful propaganda machine in world history. These elites convinced the public that the West had grown more racist than ever, a blatant contradiction of the evidence. While the public was distracted by manufactured culture wars, governments exploited the chaos to consolidate power. Authoritarianism, spiraling debt, and economic devastation were the crippling costs of this deception.” He describes the political consequences just as bluntly: “By the time we got to 2016, Democrats had become completely unhinged. They made everything political, hunted heretics, and weaponized the government—three core characteristics of totalitarianism.” The fallout has been severe. Institutions lie in ruins, public trust has collapsed, and communities remain deeply divided. This was not simply a political miscalculation. It was ideological warfare, designed to divide and control. As the fog begins to lift, one question remains: Have we learned enough to resist the next wave of fearmongering and manipulation—or will we once again accept the same tactics from new faces?

The Evolution of Modern Leftism Left-wing and woke ideology often presents itself through noble ideas: compassion, justice, equality, and progress. But progress toward what? That question is rarely asked. To understand modern leftism, we must look back nearly 200 years. Ideas evolve like viruses: when society develops resistance to one form, academics modify it until it becomes more contagious, destructive, and difficult to recognize. Hegel proposed the dialectic: opposing ideas—a thesis and antithesis—collide to produce a synthesis. Marx applied this framework to economics through dialectical materialism. He viewed history as a struggle between the “haves” and “have-nots” and predicted that workers would overthrow capitalism and create a communist utopia. When Marx’s vision failed, Lenin reworked it. He argued that workers needed to be led by an elite revolutionary class. This produced the idea of perpetual revolution: after one oppressor is defeated, the next ruling class becomes the new enemy. The struggle never ends. The Frankfurt School later adapted Marxism for the West. It argued that capitalism’s material success had made workers less receptive to revolution, so the focus shifted to culture, education, media, religion, and the arts. The goal became a gradual “long march through the institutions.” Postmodernists expanded the theory further, arguing that power exists everywhere—not only between rich and poor, but also between men and women, racial groups, heterosexual and homosexual people, and colonizers and the colonized. The personal became political. Intersectionality then presented oppression as a matrix in which every identity adds another layer of victimhood and moral authority. At one extreme is the idealized figure of a poor, disabled, rural, transgender lesbian woman from a developing country. At the other is the supposed ultimate oppressor: a wealthy, educated, able-bodied, straight, white, cisgender, Christian, Western man living in a city. Modern progressivism, in this view, is essentially neo-Marxism in drag.

Laufen auf dem nächsten Oktoberfest Gleichstellungsbeauftragt*inne rum die, im Stil von Sichtenwächtern im Iran, Frauen in "zu freizügigem" Dirndl streng zurechtweisen? Wird nach dem Bayerischen Hof auch das Oktoberfest "woke"? Komischerweise gibt es diese Beanstandungen beim CSD nicht. #Oktoberfest #Gleichstellung #Woke

JETZT MELDET SICH DAS MISES-INSTITUT SELBST ZU WORT: Wichtiger Beitrag in der WELT „Letztlich tun sich also die Unternehmer, die ihre Geschäftspartner canceln, selbst keinen Gefallen, wenn sie über das Stöckchen springen, das ihnen solche Medien oder NGOs hinhalten. Die Aktivisten, ihre Medien und Verbündeten, die die Unternehmer bedrängen, tun dies ja nicht, weil sie diese Unternehmen schützen wollen – die Unternehmen interessieren sie gar nicht. Ihnen geht es vielmehr darum, ihren Meinungsgegnern zu schaden, diese zum sprichwörtlichen Schweigen zu bringen. Wir halten es für unwahrscheinlich, dass sich potenzielle Kunden des Bayerischen Hofes unter denjenigen finden, die jetzt Freude und Genugtuung empfinden, weil das Mises-Institut ab 2027 seine Konferenz in anderen Räumen abhalten wird. Und das gilt ganz allgemein: Diejenigen, welche die Unternehmen mit ihrem Canceln zufriedenstellen, sind nicht ihre Kunden. Die Unternehmer stehen damit nicht nur im Kulturkampf um die individuelle Freiheit und die Marktwirtschaft auf der falschen Seite. Sie schaden letztlich sich selbst als Unternehmen. Die Kunden, die das Mises-Institut gut finden, sind jetzt verärgert. Und verärgerte Kunden tun, was verärgerte Kunden nun einmal tun: Sie gehen woanders hin. „Go woke, go broke“ ist ein aus den USA bekannter Spruch. Dort gibt es viele Beispiele, die zeigen, wohin es führt, wenn man seinen Kunden den Rücken zudreht, weil man sich einem links-woken Zeitgeist beugen möchte. Das Mises-Institut hatte über die Jahre stets ein überaus gutes Verhältnis zum Hotel Bayerischer Hof. Wir wünschen dem Hotel natürlich weiterhin alles Gute für die Zukunft. Wir vermuten auch, dass es keineswegs der Auffassung der Hotelführung entspricht, dass das Institut wegen seiner inhaltlichen Ausrichtung ab 2027 nicht mehr zu Gast sein soll. Vielmehr wurde hier dem Druck von außen nachgegeben. Und dieses Nachgeben war unserer Auffassung nach ein Fehler. Hätte das Hotel nicht reagiert, hätte es überhaupt keinen Nachrichtenwert gegeben. Das Hotel hätte keine Kunden verloren und die Boulevardzeitung hätte sich mangels Story wieder ihren üblichen Themen widmen müssen.“ https://t.co/z7frxEmaQW #MisesInstitut #Meinungsfreiheit #Marktwirtschaft

Woke Prüderie in München: 80 Jahre lang hat sich niemand über die Figuren aufgeregt - jetzt muss das "Teufelsrad" sie übermalen. Das verlangte die städtische Gleichstellungsstelle. Solche Behörden könnte man einfach auflösen - spart Steuergeld und Nerven! https://t.co/ZlaAgHJO4o #München #WokeKultur #Gleichstellung

Mevrouw Roelien @KammingaRJ, de burgemeester van @gem_groningen, een carrièrepolitica uit de stal van de ooit liberale @VVD, legt vrije nieuwsgaring hardhandig aan banden, in dit geval die van @EppoTjuchem. Daar hebben we een mooi woord voor: persbreidel. Persbreidel was een uitvinding van totalitaire regimes zoals in nazi-Duitsland, de DDR, Eritrea en China. Dat zoiets nu plaatsvindt in de doorgedraaide wokelinkse stad Groningen is nog niet eens zo verbazingwekkend. Wel dat het gebeurt door een prominent van de @VVD. Dat zegt eigenlijk alles over de staat van de partij van Chris Woerts @cwoconsultancy. https://t.co/IV5CtAqOpE #persvrijheid #journalistiek #groningen