"In 20 years, Kosovo will look like Kandahar." (translated)
ΛΟΙΠΟΝ ΛΙΓΟ ΓΙΑ ΒΑΡΟΥΦΑΚΗ ΟΣΟ ΣΠΟΥΔΑΖΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΟΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΔΕΝ ΤΟΝ ΣΥΝΑΝΤΗΣΑ ΠΟΤΕ ΜΠΡΟΣΤΑ ΜΟΥ ΟΥΤΕ ΣΕ GAME THEORY ΟΥΤΕ ΣΕ ΤΠΤ ΕΝΑΣ ΜΑΡΞΙΣΤΗΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΠΟΥ ΑΝΑΜΑΣΑ ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΕΣ ΑΗΔΙΕΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ ΡΕΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΑ ΥΠΟ ΤΟ ΜΗΔΕΝ ΤΑ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΓΙΑ ΝΑ ΒΕΛΤΙΩΣΟΥΝ ΤΗΝ ΖΩΗ ΜΑΣ ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΑ ΦΥΣΙΚΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ ΟΤΑΝ ΕΙΣΑΙ ΣΤΑ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΑΝΑΛΦΑΒΗΤΟΣ ΟΤΑΝ ΒΛΕΠΕΙΣ ΕΝΑΝ ΤΥΠΟ ΝΑ ΒΓΑΙΝΕΙ ΣΤΟΝ ΠΑΠΑΔΑΚΗ ΚΑΙ ΝΑ ΛΕΕΙ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΡΕΣ ΠΙΑΣΑΡΙΚΕΣ ΑΝΕΦΑΡΜΟΣΤΕΣ ΑΗΔΙΕΣ Ε ΤΟΝ ΚΑΝΕΙΣ ΗΡΩΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΝ ΒΑΖΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΤΗΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ 🤡 ΦΥΣΙΚΑ ΤΗΝ ΠΛΗΡΩΝΕΙ Η ΧΩΡΑ ΜΕΤΑ ΜΕ ΚΛΕΙΣΙΜΟ ΤΩΝ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛ ΚΟΝΤΡΟΛ ΠΟΥ Ο ΙΔΙΟΣ ΥΠΕΓΡΑΨΕ ΣΑΝ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΟΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΩΝ (ΔΕΝ ΘΑ ΜΠΟΡΟΥΣΕ ΝΑ ΤΟ ΚΑΝΕΙ ΑΛΛΟΣ) ΑΛΛΑ ΜΕΤΑ ΣΑΣ ΤΟ ΠΟΥΛΗΣΕ ΟΤΙ ΤΟ ΕΚΑΝΕ Ο ΝΤΡΑΓΚΙ🤡 #βαρουφακης #οικονομία #πολιτική #Ελλάδα
H
The Transitional Logic of Political Violence A recurring problem in revolutionary and religious political movements is that violence may be justified as a temporary measure for establishing a new political order, while the institutions created to suppress perceived enemies can become permanent. In Marxist-Leninist theory, the transition from capitalism to communism involved a “dictatorship of the proletariat.” The coercive state was ultimately expected to “wither away” once class conflict disappeared. In practice, however, revolutionary governments developed extensive systems of repression. The Russian Revolution was followed by the Red Terror, Stalin’s purges institutionalized persecution of alleged internal enemies, and Mao’s Cultural Revolution demonstrated how political repression could re-emerge long after revolutionary power had been established. A comparable dynamic can be examined in some interpretations of Islamic political thought, although the ideological foundations are different. Ridda (apostasy) has, in certain historical contexts, been associated with both religious and political disloyalty. The early Ridda Wars illustrate how religious and political boundaries could become intertwined. In modern history, the 1988 executions of political prisoners in Iran provide another example of religious or ideological accusations being used to justify state violence. The important question is not whether these traditions are identical—they are not—but whether their political applications can create similar institutional dynamics. When governments define groups as existential threats, extraordinary measures may initially be presented as temporary. Once institutionalized, however, the definition of the “enemy” can expand. The fundamental risk is that a transitional period of coercion may lack a mechanism for returning to normal political conditions. If authorities can continually redefine internal enemies, emergency powers can become permanent. The broader lesson is universal: political systems should be judged not only by the order they promise, but also by the safeguards that prevent temporary coercive powers from becoming permanent.
A new paper has been published, assessing the origin of the #COVID19 #Pandemic. The author concludes that a growing body of indicators suggests a research-related origin at the #Wuhan Institute of Virology. Crucially almost all the evidence supporting the zoonotic origin theory #COVID19 #Pandemic #Wuhan #CN
Metaphysics of the Solitary Absolute: Philosophical and Legal Analysis of the Thesis of Solitary Amorality The Thesis of Solitary Amorality, formulated by Tom Nesky under the banner of the Axiom of Relationality of Law and Being, constitutes a radical challenge to classical and contemporary normative theories. Its central premise—stating that law, morality, and the category of crime are not inherent properties of reality, but artificial products of social relations—requires a rigorous deconstruction at the intersection of legal positivism, phenomenological existentialism, ontological anarchism, and monistic metaphysics. This paper attempts a systematic analysis of the intellectual pillars of this thesis, examining its internal coherence, genealogical roots, and consequences for the understanding of freedom and human subjectivity. The Systemic Construction of Crime vs. Pure Theory of Law The first pillar of the Thesis of Solitary Amorality, designated as Nullum Crimen Sine Systema, posits that law does not discover pre-legal categories of evil, but brings them into existence through the very act of establishing a boundary of permissibility. This assertion exhibits a profound convergence with 20th-century legal positivism, particularly with Hans Kelsen's Pure Theory of Law (Reine Rechtslehre). Kelsen advocated for a methodological purification of legal science from ethical, sociological, and political elements, defining law as a normative system founded upon a hypothetical basic norm (Grundnorm). In the Kelsenian view, the legal system functions as a coercive apparatus devoid of inherent moral value. A crucial point of intersection with Nesky's thesis is the elimination of the traditional dualism between acts that are inherently evil (mala in se) and acts prohibited merely by law (mala prohibita). Kelsen argued that an act becomes unlawful solely when a legal norm attaches state-enforced coercion to it. Unlawfulness is not an ontological property of the act, but the result of a relationship of normative imputation. This implies that the law does not penalize an act because it is intrinsically evil; rather, an act is considered evil solely because it has been subjected to systemic penalization. This clash became prominent during the debates surrounding the Nuremberg trials, where positions based on natural law and legal positivism collided. While prosecutors such as Robert Jackson invoked universal moral norms (mala in se) as the basis for punishing criminals despite the previously binding positive law of the Third Reich, Kelsen pointed out the theoretical inconsistency of such an approach. He argued that judging on the basis of retroactive law (ex post facto) constitutes a breach in the systemic coherence of positivism, even if it might be justified by political and historical necessity. Nesky's project imparts an existential dimension of oppression to this structure, bringing it close to the critique of the state formulated by Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche famously described the state as "the coldest of all cold monsters," which devours the individual's singularity and imposes herd morality upon them. The gaze of the state, mediated through the Other, paralyzes the sovereignty of the individual and forces them to navigate within arbitrarily designated normative boundaries. Every stroke drawn across the chaos of reality establishes a boundary, and every boundary instantly creates the concept of its transgression. The Paradox of the Systemic Cage and the Limits of Ontological Anarchism The second pillar of the thesis—The Paradox of the Systemic Cage—points to the impossibility of escaping the system through rules alone. Every attempt to negate the existing order, from establishing anarchist structures to escaping into geographical isolation, immediately transforms into a new system whose primary imperative becomes the defense and maintenance of that very absence of rules. This process of structural looping finds its reflection in the current of ontological anarchism formulated by Hakim Bey (pseudonym of Peter Lamborn Wilson). Bey, drawing on a synthesis of Nietzscheanism, Situationist theory of the spectacle, and chaos esotericism, recognized that classical revolutions striving to overthrow the state inevitably reproduce structures of domination, becoming new forms of confinement. As an alternative, he proposed the concept of the Temporary Autonomous Zone (TAZ). TAZ is a tactic for creating temporary, non-hierarchical spaces that deliberately evade formal structures of state control. The key element of TAZ is its ephemerality: before the system can map, define, and absorb the autonomous zone, it must dissolve itself and relocate to another point in space-time. Attempts to transform TAZ into Permanent Autonomous Zones (PAZ) immediately encounter the paradox noted by Nesky. The need to defend and codify freedom within a lasting community gives rise to internal rules, mechanisms of exclusion, and hierarchy. For this reason, Murray Bookchin criticized ontological anarchism (calling it "lifestyle anarchism" or "bourgeois anarchism") for its lack of political realism and its flight from systemic struggle against capital and state in favor of aesthetic rebellion. The convergence of these perspectives demonstrates that freedom defined as reactive resistance to a system remains structurally determined by it. The Dissolution of the Relational Mirror: The Existential Gaze and the Collapse of Morality The third pillar of the thesis, designated as The Dissolution of the Mirror (L'Autre), posits that good and evil require the presence of an external witness and judge. This assertion represents a direct application of Jean-Paul Sartre's existential phenomenology, particularly his analysis of the Gaze (le look / le regard) and the relation to the Other (l'Autre) presented in Being and Nothingness. Sartre illustrates the constitutive role of the Other through an analysis of the voyeur's situation. At the moment of complete absorption in the act of peeping through a keyhole, the subject's consciousness is pre-reflective—the voyeur does not reflect on himself; his consciousness completely merges with the act being performed. Only the sudden sound of footsteps in the hallway shatters this unity. The voyeur realizes that he himself is seen, and is instantly paralyzed by shame. For Sartre, shame is not a purely internal emotion; it is shame of oneself before the Other. The Gaze of the Other objectifies the free subject (being-for-itself—pour-soi), freezing them into a specific role and moral evaluation (being-for-others—pour-autrui). As Ellie Anderson points out, Descartes' formula "I think, therefore I am" is replaced in Sartre by "I feel shame, therefore Others exist." The Gaze of the Other marks the birth of social morality, wherein the individual learns to view themselves from a third-person perspective. This existential dynamic corresponds to the Nietzschean genealogy of "bad conscience." Nietzsche demonstrates that morality and guilt are products of the forced internalization of human instincts that could no longer be discharged outwardly due to social barriers. Forced into the constraints of society, man turns against himself, creating an internal judge (conscience) modeled on the external tyrant. This vision also resonates with the classical theory of Thomas Hobbes. In Leviathan, Hobbes explicitly declares that in the state of nature, where there is no common power, there is no law, and where there is no law, no notion of injustice exists. Concepts of good, evil, justice, and property are attributes of man living in society, not in solitude. Removing the social fabric reverts the individual to a state in which theft and injury lose their raison d'être due to the absence of relational reference to the Other. #philosophy # metaphysics # thesis # morality
Linguistics is a powerful science that has the capacity to change the course of history (like it did when Darwin borrowed from linguistics to argue for his evolutionary theory). https://t.co/sKtjBGro0d #Linguistics #Science #Evolution #Nospecificcountriesarementionedinthetweet.
La gestione della sicurezza urbana a Trieste ovvero il fallimento strutturale del populismo penale e la distorsione delle risorse pubbliche... Propongo una riflessione sociologica della situazione a Trieste, città che da storico crocevia multiculturale, si ritrova adesso a fare i conti con fenomeni di insicurezza, intolleranza, chiusura umana, politica e sociale. La trasformazione delle dinamiche di sicurezza nel contesto triestino evidenzia una profonda divergenza tra la percezione politica della minaccia e la reale evoluzione della criminalità urbana. Negli ultimi anni, a partire dall'idea di un muro lungo il confine della regione fino alla recinzione di Piazza Libertà, la gestione dell'ordine pubblico locale ha registrato un costante orientamento delle risorse operative verso il contrasto dei flussi migratori transfrontalieri, affrontati mediante logiche emergenziali anche in assenza di riscontri oggettivi circa una loro pericolosità sociale intrinseca. Tale focalizzazione simbolica non è priva di effetti, anzi, il principale è quello che ha generato il ridimensionamento dei presidi di vigilanza e di controllo all'interno del tessuto cittadino, favorendo l'insorgere di fenomeni di microcriminalità, degrado materiale e devianza diffusa nelle aree centrali e periferiche del territorio urbano. La risposta proposta dalle amministrazioni nazionali, regionali e locali di orientamento conservatore e di destra si è concentrata sulla progressiva marginalizzazione delle politiche di prevenzione sociale, preferendo l'adozione di misure coercitive e l'inasprimento della risposta sanzionatoria. Questa impostazione poggia sul paradigma dell'efficacia della deterrenza penale, un modello teorico ampiamente decostruito dalla ricerca criminologica e giuspenalistica contemporanea. L'evidenza scientifica attesta da tempo che l'aumento della severità delle sanzioni e la repressione meramente reattiva non generano una riduzione della frequenza dei reati, provocando piuttosto lo spostamento della criminalità verso zone meno presidiate e l'incremento dell'insicurezza percepita dalla cittadinanza (Pratt et al., 2006; Tonry, 2018). L'adozione di modelli riconducibili al populismo penale (Wacquant, 2009) risponde all'esigenza di catalizzare il consenso attraverso la costruzione simbolica di una minaccia esterna, incarnata dalla figura del migrante alla frontiera, invece di affrontare la complessità dei problemi sociali urbani. Le analisi empiriche confermano che gli interventi basati esclusivamente sulla militarizzazione e sulla punitività ignorano i fattori causali fondamentali della devianza, quali l'isolamento sociale, la carenza di reti educative territoriali e l'abbandono degli spazi pubblici (Currie, 2007). L'allontanamento delle forze dell'ordine dal controllo capillare del centro urbano triestino in favore del pattugliamento di confine configura, di conseguenza, un fallimento strategico privo di fondamento scientifico. La costruzione di una sicurezza reale ed effettiva richiede l'abbandono della retorica emergenziale, a favore di interventi integrati incentrati sulla prevenzione socio-strutturale, sulla riqualificazione urbana e sulla coesione sociale. Per chi volesse approfondire i temi, leggete: Currie, E. (2007). Against marginality: For a critical criminology of violence. Theoretical Criminology, 11(2), 175-190. Pratt, T. C., Cullen, F. T., Blevins, K. R., Daigle, L. E., & Madensen, T. D. (2006). The empirical status of deterrence theory: A meta-analysis. In F. T. Cullen, J. P. Wright, & K. R. Blevins (A cura di), Taking stock: The status of criminological theory (pp. 367-395). Transaction Publishers. Tonry, M. (2018). An honest and sane approach to policing and crime control. Criminology & Public Policy, 17(4), 781-789. Wacquant, L. (2009). Punishing the poor: The neoliberal government of social insecurity. Duke University Press. #Trieste #sicurezza
Wie ich kürzlich schrieb, besteht Wokeness im Wesentlichen aus den folgenden Ideologien: - Postcolonial Theory Ideologie - Critical Race Theory Ideologie - Gender Ideologie - Queer Theory Ideologie (Transideologie) - Intersektionalismus Dabei wirkt der Intersektionalismus ähnlich wie ein Kittstoff, der die übrigen Ideologien miteinander verbindet. #Wokeness #Intersektionalismus #Ideologien
"When a Hutu movement embarked on violent revolution in 1959, it framed the Tutsi minority as proxy Europeans who didn’t belong in Rwanda. This belief had a name and a pedigree: the Hamitic hypothesis, a colonial-era theory that held that Africa’s advanced civilizations were the #Rwanda #HamiticHypothesis #Colonialism #RW
This week @TuckerCarlson promoted my theory of how the US government is manipulating the oil market via AI algorithm-hacking. @MarioNawfal invited me back on to do an ultra-deep dive on how this works and how it has completely broken the markets. THIS IS NOT INVESTMENT ADVICE!🚨 #OilMarket #AIGovernance #MarketManipulation #US
4/5 The FT reported Trump proposed to Xi Jinping that the US, China and Russia join forces against the Court — two powers that aren't even ICC members, one led by a man under its own arrest warrant. You don't need a conspiracy theory to see whose interests align here. #Trump #ICC #Geopolitics #US #CN #RU
Hoy en @coleccioneRSP le voy a platicar que una de las primeras teorías exactas sobre la forma de nuestra galaxia fue ignorada en su tiempo por mezclar la astronomía con el misticismo. En 1750, Thomas Wright publicó An original theory or new hypothesis of the universe, proponiendo que la Vía Láctea estaba organizada en un disco plano. Sin embargo, al afirmar que el centro de gravedad de la galaxia era el "ojo espiritual de Dios", la comunidad científica desestimó su trabajo por falta de rigor empírico. Fue hasta el siglo XIX, con los avances de William Herschel, que la ciencia confirmó esta estructura galáctica, reconociendo finalmente a Wright como un precursor visionario. Porque a veces, los grandes descubrimientos nacen de una imaginación que se atreve a especular mucho antes de tener las herramientas para comprobarlo. Hoy les comparto la obra: An original theory or new hypothesis of the universe, de Thomas Wright (Londres, 1750). #Astronomía #HistoriaDeLaCiencia #ColeccionesRSP #Astronomía #HistoriaDeLaCiencia #Ciencia
No pensaba que lo de Maxxine Dupri y Austin Theory fuese a ninguna parte. Pero hoy ha logrado una cantidad de heat brutal por parte del público y la historia con Otis y Akira Tozawa se ha sentido real como la vida misma. Me han hecho creer en esta historia. #WWERAW https://t.co/aXssnA8dqT #WWE #WWERAW #ProWrestling
