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Bom dia. Estou aqui de volta, gente! Desculpem por não ter respondido ontem. Vou responder todo mundo. Obrigada por tanto carinho, tanta força e tantas mensagens. Não têm sido dias muito agradáveis, mas continuo firme, de pé. Tenho um compromisso com a minha vida: não desistir, seja lá o que aconteça. Vou me levantar todos os dias e seguir, mesmo quando tudo parecer um grande inverno. Ontem trabalhei normalmente, mas deixei um pouco as redes sociais e as outras coisas de lado para olhar para mim, para este momento e para tudo o que estou sentindo. Hoje estou um pouco melhor e decidi dar um fim nessa angústia. Vou raspar o cabelo. Ainda não sei se hoje ou amanhã, mas vou encarar de vez esta nova fase do meu tratamento de cura. Mais uma vez, eu não tenho palavras para agradecer tantas mensagens, tanto amor, tanto carinho e tantas orações. De verdade, eu nunca imaginei que receberia tanto afeto. É muito louco perceber quantas pessoas torcem pela gente, mesmo de longe, e como as redes sociais também conseguem aproximar e criar laços tão verdadeiros. Só tenho a agradecer a vocês, à minha rede de apoio, à minha família, aos meus filhos e aos meus amigos. Ontem fiz mais uma sessão de quimioterapia e imunoterapia. Foi mais pesada do que as anteriores, por tudo o que já contei, e por isso não registrei. Minha filha foi comigo. E tenho amigos que, todos os dias, tiram um tempinho para perguntar como estou, oferecer carinho, colo e ombro. Não existe uma forma suficiente de agradecer por tudo isso. É mais um dia. E vamos lá. Já foram quatro quimioterapias. Agora faltam quatro meses. Vai passar. Com cabelo ou careca, com tristeza ou alegria, com força, fé e amor, vai passar. Obrigada. #Força #Gratidão #Superação

Decydujący - moim zdaniem - moment w kampanii prezydenckiej. Tak opisuje go prezydent Nawrocki w książce <Skąd wziął się Karol Nawrocki> wydawnictwo @WydBialyKruk : „Wchodzę na drugą debatę w Końskich do hali sportowej - pełne zamieszanie, ochrona, przepychanki, wpuszczają jednych, nie wpuszczają drugich, szarpią Marka Jakubiaka i Krzysztofa Stanowskiego, mojego syna nie chcą wpuścić. Totalny chaos. W pewnym momencie mówię więc do nich: słuchajcie, muszę was zostawić, bo ja po prostu wchodzę. Miałem informację, że debatę zabezpiecza firma ochroniarska, która wcześniej siłowo przejmowała Telewizję Polską. Czyli - mówiąc brutalnie - największe cerbery strony <liberalnej>. Stoją tam wielkie chłopy, atmosfera jak z filmu. Ale ja byłem już wtedy tak zdecydowany, że po prostu szedłem przez to jak przez ścianę. To nie był gładki świat akademicki, tylko prawdziwe życie. Podchodzę do tych byków, patrzę na nich i mówię: panowie, ja tu przyszedłem po Rafała. Oni spojrzeli na mnie i mnie wpuścili. Jeszcze im powiedziałem, że chcę iść do łazienki. Poszedłem. Stoi tam wielki chłop z tej ochrony. Podchodzi do mnie i mówi tylko: szacunek, szacunek. Przywitałem się z nim i wyszedłem. Właśnie wtedy zobaczyłem Rafała Trzaskowskiego - ten moment, który już opisałem przed chwilą. Chodził jak człowiek w rozsypce. Naprawdę - jak ktoś kompletnie wytrącony z równowagi, przestraszony, nieobecny. Zrozumiałem coś bardzo ważnego - nawet ludzie, którzy go ochraniali, wiedzieli, że on jest załamany. Oni przez te dwie godziny patrzyli jak siedzi, jak się zachowuje, jak wygląda. On w siebie nie wierzył i nikt inny tam w niego nie wierzył. Nie chodzi mi zresztą o to, żeby wnikać w osobisty problem. To nie jest tutaj istotne. Po prostu zobaczyłem, że tam nie ma woli walki, nie ma gotowości do zwycięstwa. Że sytuacja wymknęła im się spod kontroli. Że nie byli gotowi na takiego przeciwnika jak ja. Nie rozumieli tego przeciwnika. Nie wiedzieli, co się dzieje”. #KampaniaPrezydencka #Debata #Polityka

Oamenii de afaceri din AmCham România avertizează că țara se află într-un moment decisiv pentru credibilitatea sa, subliniind necesitatea urgentă de mobilizare transpartinică pentru a respecta angajamentele asumate prin PNRR și a menține sustenabilitatea economică, în contextul incertitudinii crescute și al prudenței investitorilor. #PNRR #România #investiții

🚨💣 #FABRIZIOROMANO Rodri Hernández tiene una propuesta del Manchester City encima de la mesa desde el mes de abril. 👀 El jugador sigue SOÑANDO con llegar al REAL MADRID. Por el momento, Florentino Pérez está bloqueando el fichaje del jugador. (@FabrizioRomano) https://t.co/cLt1AqalvR #Rodri #RealMadrid #TransferNews

Après presque 10 années passées sous les couleurs de l’AJ Auxerre, le moment est venu pour moi d’ouvrir un nouveau chapitre. Il est difficile de trouver les mots pour résumer tout ce que ce club représente à mes yeux. J’y ai grandi en tant que joueur, mais surtout en tant qu’homme. J’y ai vécu des moments inoubliables, des joies immenses, des défis, des victoires et des émotions qui resteront gravés à jamais. Je tiens à adresser un immense merci à l’ensemble du club : aux dirigeants, aux entraîneurs qui m’ont fait confiance, au staff technique, médical et administratif, ainsi qu’à toutes les personnes qui œuvrent chaque jour, souvent dans l’ombre, pour faire vivre cette grande institution. Un merci tout particulier aux supporters. Votre passion, votre fidélité et votre soutien, dans les bons comme dans les moments plus difficiles, m’ont porté tout au long de ces années. Porter ce maillot devant vous a été un honneur et une immense fierté. Je quitte Auxerre avec le cœur rempli de gratitude, de respect et de souvenirs inoubliables. Ce club fera toujours partie de mon histoire. 💙🤍 #AJAuxerre #Football #Gratitude

Nel Mondiale di calcio del 2026, vinto dalla Spagna, ricorderemo momenti memorabili tra cui le straordinarie performance di Mbappé e Messi, il caldo intenso che ha portato all'introduzione degli hydration break, e le incredibili storie di partite come quella tra Portogallo e Croazia, insieme alle tifoserie che hanno colorato l'evento con entusiasmo e coreografie virali. #Mondiali2026 #Calcio #KylianMbappé

Comme je vous le disais depuis un moment, Infantino et son allié d'Amérique du Sud, le président de la CONMEBOL Alejandro Dominguez, poussent pour une Coupe du Monde 2030 à 64 équipes Le président de la FIFA attend que ses dociles amis africains suivent aussi le mouvement... #FIFA #CoupeDuMonde #Football

Bewegender Moment des Innehaltens: Wir haben am Vormittag zu Beginn unserer Trainingseinheit gemeinsam mit unseren Fans eine Gedenkminute für unsere Vereinslegenden Kevin Keegan und Uwe Seeler abgehalten. Keegan war am Vortag im Alter von 75 Jahren an den Folgen seiner Krebserkrankung verstorben. Bei Seeler jährt sich am heutigen 21. Juli sein Todestag zum vierten Mal. Ruhet in Frieden, Legenden! 🙏 #nurderHSV #Gedenken #Fußball #Legenden

Hablemos de este MOMENTAZO. El tremendo abrazo entre Unai Simón, David Raya y Joan García después de consagrarse CAMPEONES DEL MUNDO con la Selección de España. Uno de los temas más polémicos previo a la Copa del Mundo fue la portería de España. Se sabía que Unai Simón era el guardameta titular, pero la mayoría de aficionados creía que David Raya, que venía de un temporadón histórico con el Arsenal, y que Joan García, que brilló en su curso de debut con el FC Barcelona, llegaban en mejor estado de forma. Al final, Luis de la Fuente respaldó completamente a Unai Simón, con quien viene trabajando desde categorías juveniles. ¿Cómo respondió el guardián del Athletic Club? Siendo EL GUANTE DEL ORO del torneo y recibiendo ¡¡1 SOLO GOL!! en 8 partidos disputados, pese a enfrentar a monstruos de la talla de Fede Valverde, Cristiano Ronaldo, Kevin De Bruyne, Kylian Mbappé, Michael Olise, Ousmane Dembélé, Lionel Messi y Julián Álvarez. Se intentó instalar lío y controversia, pero eso solo unió más a los 3 porteros. Y estas fotos lo dicen absolutamente todo. Qué importante es cuando todos los jugadores de un plantel aceptan su rol y realmente entienden y respetan las decisiones del entrenador. La unión es la clave del éxito. En el fútbol, y en la vida. HONOR A LOS PORTEROS CAMPEONES DEL MUNDO. #Fútbol #CopaDelMundo #Equipo

| JULY 2026 | The Guard State How the largest Arab nation became a security contractor at the gates of its own people By Adham Hasanin Egyptian journalist and political writer, based in the Netherlands In June 2025, hundreds of activists from forty countries landed at Cairo airport. Doctors from France, lawyers from Australia, students from the United States, pensioners from the Netherlands. They carried no weapons and no banned slogans; they carried backpacks, walking shoes, and a single intention: to march from Arish to the Rafah crossing — entirely on Egyptian soil — to demand that food be allowed through to a people starving behind the gate. Not one of them reached Rafah. More than two hundred were detained before the march could begin. Around five hundred foreign nationals were deported from airports, hotels, and checkpoints. Passports were confiscated, activists were pulled out of downtown Cairo cafés, and the Global March to Gaza was cancelled on 16 June without taking its first step. And the world watched. This was no secret operation in a dark basement; it happened in the open, documented by the deportees’ own phone cameras, carried by every international news agency. The world watched an Arab state arrest Europeans, Americans, and Africans for wanting to walk towards Palestine. A state guarding the gate of a siege — from the side that was supposed to be the side of rescue. Hold that image, because it is the key to everything that follows. This was not an aberration in Egyptian policy, nor an isolated security decision. It is the function — the complete function around which the Egyptian state has been redefined over the past decade, and which it is time to call by its proper name: the Guard State. I. The Name — What Do We Mean by the Guard State? Political economy has long described states that live off the rent of their location rather than the production of their people. But what has crystallised in Egypt over the past decade goes beyond traditional geographic rent — the Suez Canal, say — into something far graver: the conversion of sovereignty itself into a commodity for hire. The Guard State does not sell its location; it sells its function. It collects its wages not for what it produces, but for what it prevents: it prevents the refugee from reaching Europe, the activist from reaching Gaza, its own people from reaching politics, and the resistance’s weapons from reaching their destination. Four gates, guarded by a single machine, whose wages are paid in loans, deposits, and perpetually renewed rescue packages. This is not a rhetorical metaphor; it is an economic structure with numbers attached. When the Egyptian economy collapsed in 2024, it was rescued not by productive reform but by a single deal whose subject was location: Ras el-Hekma — thirty-five billion dollars for a stretch of coastline. And whenever negotiations with the IMF stall, the tranches are unlocked by explicit European pressure whose subject is migration: nine billion euros from the European Union in the 2024 “Strategic Partnership,” whose own documents place “migration management” at its core. Europe does not pay Egypt to prosper. It pays Egypt to guard. Thus the model is complete: income in exchange for prevention, external legitimacy in exchange for guarding, and international silence about domestic tyranny in exchange for keeping the gates controlled. To see how the model works on the ground, consider the bloodiest gate of all: the gate of Gaza. II. The Gaza Gate — The Guard Who Is Himself Searched The first paradox must be nailed down with facts: Egypt is not a sovereign guard of its own crossing; it is a searched guard. Egyptian relief trucks — ninety-two thousand food parcels in a single convoy this month — are subject to Israeli inspection before entering the Strip: from Egyptian soil, through a crossing that bears an Egyptian name. The state that guards the gate does not hold its key. It owns the threshold, but not the door. Then the October 2025 truce added a new layer to the function. Under the fifteen-point roadmap sponsored by the international envoy together with the “guarantor states” — Egypt foremost among them — Cairo is to train the civilian police force that will replace Hamas in administering the Strip, under the slogan of “one authority, one law, one weapon.” Let us call things by their names: the state that could not — or would not — deliver a loaf of bread without Israeli permission is now qualifying to graduate the security apparatus that will oversee the disarming of the resistance. From guarding the siege to administering what comes after the siege — a promotion within the same project. And meanwhile, what is happening behind the guarded gate? Since the truce, more than one thousand one hundred Palestinians have been killed by Israeli fire — the latest, just two days ago, a ten-year-old boy named Motaz Abu Shaar, carried to his grave in Khan Younis by his mother, Warda. A United Nations commission of inquiry has concluded that Israel is “deliberately targeting children in an ongoing genocide.” This is what the guarantors’ official language calls a “ceasefire.” What meaning is left in the word “guarantor”? A guarantor that the gate stays firmly shut — however high the dead pile up behind it. III. The Mediterranean Gate — The Guard Europe Pays For The second gate faces north. Since 2016, Cairo has boasted — through its officials at every European forum — that “not a single irregular migration boat has departed from Egyptian shores.” This is very nearly true. But the forbidden question is: at what political price has this “efficiency” become an instrument of mutual blackmail? Europe — which condemns Egypt’s human rights record in its parliamentary resolutions — is the same Europe that signed the nine-billion-euro partnership, and the same Europe that stays silent about sixty thousand political prisoners because the alternative, in its calculations, is boats that never stop. And Cairo understands the game and has mastered it: whenever human rights pressure intensifies, the official discourse turns up the volume on “Egypt hosts millions of refugees” and “the last line of defence.” The result is a perfect structure of mutual blackmail: Europe buys its conscience’s silence, the regime sells its location, and the people — Egyptian and refugee alike — are the commodity in the transaction. The democracies that lecture on values are financing the guard who keeps the victims from knocking on their doors. This is not passing hypocrisy; it is a structural partnership in the Guard State model — one that makes Brussels and Berlin shareholders in everything this state produces, from domestic repression to external siege. IV. The Interior Gate — Guarding the People Against Politics But the most dangerous gate is not on any border; it is inside. The Guard State cannot perform its external function unless it first guards an internal gate: the people’s gate to politics. The function requires a people that does not ask: why are we guarding the siege of our brothers? Why are our trucks searched on our own soil? Why are guests deported for coming to walk in peace? To guarantee the question is never asked, the largest silencing machine in the country’s history was built: sixty thousand prisoners of opinion, a press ranked 166th out of 180 worldwide, and a state security case number waiting for anyone who writes. I write these lines from experience, not from reading reports. When I continued writing from my Dutch exile, the machine reached me across continents: accounts shut down by coordinated mass-reporting campaigns, documented threats, a family harassed inside Egypt as leverage — and my name entered into Case 1282 of 2024, not for any act I committed, but for opinions written from free European soil. This is not a personal complaint; it is a job description: the Guard State guards even beyond its borders, because the free word — wherever it is written — threatens the entire contract of guardianship. The logic is perfectly self-consistent: a regime that sells “stability” abroad cannot tolerate a voice revealing that the stability on offer is the stillness of graveyards. This is why the arrest of the foreign activists in June 2025 was inevitable, not incidental: a peaceful march reaching Rafah would have revealed, before the world’s cameras, that the gate opens when it is wanted open — and that the one keeping it shut is a partner, not a mediator. V. What Has Egypt Lost? — The Guard’s Bill An apologist might argue: what is the harm? A state monetising its location as Norway monetises its oil. The answer lies in the essential difference: Norway sells a resource; Egypt leases its will. And the difference between the two is the difference between trade and bondage. Let us tally what Egypt has paid for this model, in bare facts. It lost its water sovereignty: the Renaissance Dam was completed and filled without the state — owner of “the largest defence headquarters in the world” — daring anything beyond statements of concern; for the guard does not make trouble for the international order that employs him. It lost its regional standing: in the Iran–America war halted just weeks ago, Cairo was neither party nor mediator nor even consultant — Pakistan brokered the deal, while Egypt absorbed the economic shrapnel of Hormuz’s closure like a bystander caught in a battle whose parties it does not know. It lost its place in the conscience of its nation: the state that liberated its land in 1973 and led the Arab world for a century has become, in the eyes of the Arab street from the Atlantic to the Gulf, the gatekeeper of the siege. This loss, specifically, no loan or deposit can repay — because it is the only capital that cannot be printed. And it lost — here is the crux — the very national security in whose name the guarding is justified. The model proved its fragility at the moment of testing: when Israel feared an Iranian response last year, it cut off Egypt’s gas by unilateral decision within hours. The guard who believed himself a partner discovered he was merely a hireling whose wages stop the moment danger arrives. VI. The Alternative Is Not a Slogan — It Is the Recovery of the Original Function I will not close with an essay on “the solution lies in Arab unity”; worn-out words kill more surely than silence. The alternative is specific, and it begins with redefining the function. The state is not a guard; the state is the agent of its people’s will. Every foreign policy not derived from that will is — by definition — functional servitude, however it is wrapped in the language of wisdom and moderation. And the Egyptian will is known and needs no referendum: no people in this region accepts that its country serve as warden of the siege of Gaza, or as Europe’s border post. Practically, the recovery begins with three measurable steps. Open the Rafah crossing fully and sovereignly, by purely Egyptian decision — that alone would overturn the equation of the siege. Break the negotiating bondage by linking any cooperation on migration to concrete European positions on Palestine, not statements of concern. And open the interior gate — release the prisoners and lift the hand from the written word — because a state that fears an article will never dare face an occupier. I know the current regime will do none of this; guarding is its founding contract and its financial artery. But this article is not written for the regime. It is written for memory, and for the generation that will inherit the gates — so that it knows that what is presented to it today as “the fate of geography” is no fate at all. It is an employment contract, signed by a regime without a mandate from its people. And contracts, however long they run, end when one of their parties does. And the world — I return to where I began — is a witness that requires no further proof. It watched the deportees at Cairo airport; it watched the searched trucks; it watched Warda Abu Shaar carry her son to his grave behind a firmly guarded gate. The question is no longer: what is happening? The only question left is: who dares to name it? This article is a naming. Adham Hasanin is an Egyptian journalist and political writer based in the Netherlands, covering Arab and European political affairs.

Clonate Barella perché oltre ad essere un gigante come calciatore, ha una qualità rara nel 2026: il senso di appartenenza. Ciò che ti fa dare sempre il tuo 110% per il club. Mi vergogno di chi ne ha chiesto la cessione, alludendo addirittura ad anni di assenza da prestazioni top, nei suoi momenti no. Mi ricordo uno ad uno ognuno di loro. Ribrezzo. L'Inter nelle vene. Clonate Nicolò. #Inter #Barella #Calcio

Gestern sprach ich mit @shlomo96 über Marcant. Momentan nutzt er den Linken. Das lässt sich aber leicht umdrehen. Gerade weil er jetzt zu seiner Symbolfigur aufgebaut wurde, haben sie eine offene Flanke geschaffen. Jedes Mal, wenn Marcant auftaucht, reicht es, wenn ein einziger, halbwegs vorbereiteter, halbwegs eloquenter Rechter, mit laufenden Kameras zu ihm hinzugehen und ihn verbal konfrontiert. Ich hatte keine Ahnung, dass er nach Schnellroda kommt und eine Bratwurst in der Hand. Er hatte sich scheinbar vorbereitet, aber trotzdem ging sein Konzept nicht auf. Marcant kann nicht debattieren und er traut sich nicht, zu debattieren. In einem durchlaufenden Video wirkt sein TikTok-Reel-Modus völlig bizarr. Im Unterschied zu den gezielt ausgewählten rechten Demo-Teilnehmern, die er bloßstellt, ist er eine bekannte Person, die vom Mainstream als Champion gehypt wurde. Das heißt, wenn er versagt, versagt mit ihm das ganze linke Lager. Natürlich wird er diese Dinge nicht aussenden und auf seinem Kanal nur sorgfältig geschnittene Clips veröffentlichen, die ihn gut darstellen lassen. Doch die von uns gemachten Videos werden sich viral verbreiten, von Streamern besprochen und irgendwann auch von ihm nicht mehr ignoriert werden können. Wenn das gezielt systematisch gemacht wird, entsteht bei jedem Auftritt von Marcant ein blamables Video. Sein Ruf im linken Lager wird auch darunter leiden. Der vermeintliche Joker der Linken wird damit zum schwarzen Peter. Hier die ganze Folge anschauen. #Debatte #Politik #Viral

El alcalde de La Mierla, Ricardo Jiménez, expresa la angustia de los vecinos evacuados por un devastador incendio que ha arrasado 26,000 hectáreas en la Sierra Norte de Guadalajara, destacando que el momento más duro es la incertidumbre de no saber si sus hogares han sido destruidos. #Incendios #SierraNorte #Guadalajara

Der Bürger dieses Landes hat nach Art. 5 des Grundgesetzes nicht nur ein Recht, sondern nach Art. 20 gar die Pflicht, zu nörgeln. Denn auch wenn es Ihnen, verehrter Herr #Merz, nicht in den schmierigen, eitlen und arroganten Kram passen mag, ein Wahlergebnis stellt keinen Freifahrtschein über vier Jahre dar. Der Souverän ist darüber hinaus weder angehalten, um der unreflektierten wie realitätsfernen Stimmung eines Regierungschefs willen, auf gut Wetter zu machen. Noch obliegt es ihm, einen gigantischen Verrat oder ein dramatisches Scheitern nur deshalb schönzureden, weil der #CDU-Chef sein Ego kaum noch tragen kann. Sie telefonieren offensichtlich erstmals mit den Angehörigen eines sinnlosen Messeropfers. Ihnen flattern von den Statistikbehörden die Unternehmensschließungen und Insolvenzen auf den Tisch. Der #Finanzminister kommt mit dem Stopfen von Pauschalen nicht mehr hinterher. Und bei alledem sollen wir zuversichtlich sein? Mit Verlaub, Herr @bundeskanzler, Sie sind eine Zumutung. Ihr Elfenbeinturm reicht näher an den Himmel als der zu Babel. So weit weg von Bodenhaftung, Wahrheit und Lebenswirklichkeit kann eigentlich niemand sein. Was will uns der liebe #Gott mit Ihnen sagen? Ich befürchte fast, er hatte im entscheidenden Moment gerade Kaffeepause. #Grundgesetz #Politik #Demokratie

Lionel Messi a exprimat durerea profundă după înfrângerea Argentinei în finala Cupei Mondiale din 2026 contra Spaniei, subliniind că va fi nevoie de timp pentru a se vindeca, dar a ales să se concentreze pe momentele pozitive ale turneului și pe sprijinul primit de la națiune. #CupaMondială #Messi #Argentina

⚠️ O jornal @BILD revelou que Michael Olise, de 24 anos, teria uma filha de 20 meses, chamada Aaliyah Noor, fruto de um relacionamento com a alemã Fatima Zaunbrecher, de 34 anos, moradora de Düsseldorf. Segundo Fatima, os dois se conheceram pelo Instagram em 2022 e viveram um relacionamento à distância por cerca de dois anos. O relacionamento terminou pouco antes de ela descobrir a gravidez. Desde então, ela afirma que não houve mais contato direto entre eles. De acordo com a reportagem, Olise realizou um teste de DNA e reconheceu oficialmente a paternidade, mas nunca conheceu a filha pessoalmente. Atualmente, toda a comunicação entre as partes aconteceria apenas por meio de advogados. Fatima afirmou ao BILD que luta para que Aaliyah Noor possa conhecer o pai e para que ele pague uma pensão considerada adequada. Ela também disse que os representantes de Olise ofereceram “uma quantia ridícula” e declarou: — “Me destrói ver o quão sem sentimentos alguém pode ser com o próprio filho.” A reportagem ainda destaca que Olise é extremamente reservado sobre sua vida pessoal, nunca falou publicamente sobre relacionamentos e utiliza suas redes sociais apenas para conteúdos relacionados ao futebol. Pouco tempo após a repercussão das reportagens, os comentários de seu perfil no Instagram foram bloqueados, impedindo novas interações dos usuários. Até o momento, Olise não se pronunciou publicamente sobre o caso. * A segunda imagem utilizada neste post mostra o suposto documento de reconhecimento de paternidade, divulgado pelo BILD. #Paternidade #Relacionamentos #Futebol