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Prenez moi pour un fou mais si jamais le deal Alvarez ne va pas au bout POUR MOI, la meilleure alternative ne serait même pas de faire un panic buy et balancer un pactole sur un 9 pas confirmé qui ne s’adapterait pas au style du Barça Ça serait plutôt de hijack Rodri et si le prix à payer c’est d’avoir les options Olmo faux 9 toute la saison, ou Gordon, Raphinha, Adeyemi Ferran et Hamza Abdelkarim comme 9 ou faux 9 mobiles je signe tous les jours Un vrai 6 et leader/capitaine comme Rodri + Laporte en DC solidifierait ÉNORMÉMENT ta défense et équilibrerait + ton équipe comme en équipe d’Espagne. Marquer des buts ne dépend pas que d’avoir un vrai 9, on l’a vu avec le PSG #FCBarcelona #Football #Transfers

| JULY 2026 | The Guard State How the largest Arab nation became a security contractor at the gates of its own people By Adham Hasanin Egyptian journalist and political writer, based in the Netherlands In June 2025, hundreds of activists from forty countries landed at Cairo airport. Doctors from France, lawyers from Australia, students from the United States, pensioners from the Netherlands. They carried no weapons and no banned slogans; they carried backpacks, walking shoes, and a single intention: to march from Arish to the Rafah crossing — entirely on Egyptian soil — to demand that food be allowed through to a people starving behind the gate. Not one of them reached Rafah. More than two hundred were detained before the march could begin. Around five hundred foreign nationals were deported from airports, hotels, and checkpoints. Passports were confiscated, activists were pulled out of downtown Cairo cafés, and the Global March to Gaza was cancelled on 16 June without taking its first step. And the world watched. This was no secret operation in a dark basement; it happened in the open, documented by the deportees’ own phone cameras, carried by every international news agency. The world watched an Arab state arrest Europeans, Americans, and Africans for wanting to walk towards Palestine. A state guarding the gate of a siege — from the side that was supposed to be the side of rescue. Hold that image, because it is the key to everything that follows. This was not an aberration in Egyptian policy, nor an isolated security decision. It is the function — the complete function around which the Egyptian state has been redefined over the past decade, and which it is time to call by its proper name: the Guard State. I. The Name — What Do We Mean by the Guard State? Political economy has long described states that live off the rent of their location rather than the production of their people. But what has crystallised in Egypt over the past decade goes beyond traditional geographic rent — the Suez Canal, say — into something far graver: the conversion of sovereignty itself into a commodity for hire. The Guard State does not sell its location; it sells its function. It collects its wages not for what it produces, but for what it prevents: it prevents the refugee from reaching Europe, the activist from reaching Gaza, its own people from reaching politics, and the resistance’s weapons from reaching their destination. Four gates, guarded by a single machine, whose wages are paid in loans, deposits, and perpetually renewed rescue packages. This is not a rhetorical metaphor; it is an economic structure with numbers attached. When the Egyptian economy collapsed in 2024, it was rescued not by productive reform but by a single deal whose subject was location: Ras el-Hekma — thirty-five billion dollars for a stretch of coastline. And whenever negotiations with the IMF stall, the tranches are unlocked by explicit European pressure whose subject is migration: nine billion euros from the European Union in the 2024 “Strategic Partnership,” whose own documents place “migration management” at its core. Europe does not pay Egypt to prosper. It pays Egypt to guard. Thus the model is complete: income in exchange for prevention, external legitimacy in exchange for guarding, and international silence about domestic tyranny in exchange for keeping the gates controlled. To see how the model works on the ground, consider the bloodiest gate of all: the gate of Gaza. II. The Gaza Gate — The Guard Who Is Himself Searched The first paradox must be nailed down with facts: Egypt is not a sovereign guard of its own crossing; it is a searched guard. Egyptian relief trucks — ninety-two thousand food parcels in a single convoy this month — are subject to Israeli inspection before entering the Strip: from Egyptian soil, through a crossing that bears an Egyptian name. The state that guards the gate does not hold its key. It owns the threshold, but not the door. Then the October 2025 truce added a new layer to the function. Under the fifteen-point roadmap sponsored by the international envoy together with the “guarantor states” — Egypt foremost among them — Cairo is to train the civilian police force that will replace Hamas in administering the Strip, under the slogan of “one authority, one law, one weapon.” Let us call things by their names: the state that could not — or would not — deliver a loaf of bread without Israeli permission is now qualifying to graduate the security apparatus that will oversee the disarming of the resistance. From guarding the siege to administering what comes after the siege — a promotion within the same project. And meanwhile, what is happening behind the guarded gate? Since the truce, more than one thousand one hundred Palestinians have been killed by Israeli fire — the latest, just two days ago, a ten-year-old boy named Motaz Abu Shaar, carried to his grave in Khan Younis by his mother, Warda. A United Nations commission of inquiry has concluded that Israel is “deliberately targeting children in an ongoing genocide.” This is what the guarantors’ official language calls a “ceasefire.” What meaning is left in the word “guarantor”? A guarantor that the gate stays firmly shut — however high the dead pile up behind it. III. The Mediterranean Gate — The Guard Europe Pays For The second gate faces north. Since 2016, Cairo has boasted — through its officials at every European forum — that “not a single irregular migration boat has departed from Egyptian shores.” This is very nearly true. But the forbidden question is: at what political price has this “efficiency” become an instrument of mutual blackmail? Europe — which condemns Egypt’s human rights record in its parliamentary resolutions — is the same Europe that signed the nine-billion-euro partnership, and the same Europe that stays silent about sixty thousand political prisoners because the alternative, in its calculations, is boats that never stop. And Cairo understands the game and has mastered it: whenever human rights pressure intensifies, the official discourse turns up the volume on “Egypt hosts millions of refugees” and “the last line of defence.” The result is a perfect structure of mutual blackmail: Europe buys its conscience’s silence, the regime sells its location, and the people — Egyptian and refugee alike — are the commodity in the transaction. The democracies that lecture on values are financing the guard who keeps the victims from knocking on their doors. This is not passing hypocrisy; it is a structural partnership in the Guard State model — one that makes Brussels and Berlin shareholders in everything this state produces, from domestic repression to external siege. IV. The Interior Gate — Guarding the People Against Politics But the most dangerous gate is not on any border; it is inside. The Guard State cannot perform its external function unless it first guards an internal gate: the people’s gate to politics. The function requires a people that does not ask: why are we guarding the siege of our brothers? Why are our trucks searched on our own soil? Why are guests deported for coming to walk in peace? To guarantee the question is never asked, the largest silencing machine in the country’s history was built: sixty thousand prisoners of opinion, a press ranked 166th out of 180 worldwide, and a state security case number waiting for anyone who writes. I write these lines from experience, not from reading reports. When I continued writing from my Dutch exile, the machine reached me across continents: accounts shut down by coordinated mass-reporting campaigns, documented threats, a family harassed inside Egypt as leverage — and my name entered into Case 1282 of 2024, not for any act I committed, but for opinions written from free European soil. This is not a personal complaint; it is a job description: the Guard State guards even beyond its borders, because the free word — wherever it is written — threatens the entire contract of guardianship. The logic is perfectly self-consistent: a regime that sells “stability” abroad cannot tolerate a voice revealing that the stability on offer is the stillness of graveyards. This is why the arrest of the foreign activists in June 2025 was inevitable, not incidental: a peaceful march reaching Rafah would have revealed, before the world’s cameras, that the gate opens when it is wanted open — and that the one keeping it shut is a partner, not a mediator. V. What Has Egypt Lost? — The Guard’s Bill An apologist might argue: what is the harm? A state monetising its location as Norway monetises its oil. The answer lies in the essential difference: Norway sells a resource; Egypt leases its will. And the difference between the two is the difference between trade and bondage. Let us tally what Egypt has paid for this model, in bare facts. It lost its water sovereignty: the Renaissance Dam was completed and filled without the state — owner of “the largest defence headquarters in the world” — daring anything beyond statements of concern; for the guard does not make trouble for the international order that employs him. It lost its regional standing: in the Iran–America war halted just weeks ago, Cairo was neither party nor mediator nor even consultant — Pakistan brokered the deal, while Egypt absorbed the economic shrapnel of Hormuz’s closure like a bystander caught in a battle whose parties it does not know. It lost its place in the conscience of its nation: the state that liberated its land in 1973 and led the Arab world for a century has become, in the eyes of the Arab street from the Atlantic to the Gulf, the gatekeeper of the siege. This loss, specifically, no loan or deposit can repay — because it is the only capital that cannot be printed. And it lost — here is the crux — the very national security in whose name the guarding is justified. The model proved its fragility at the moment of testing: when Israel feared an Iranian response last year, it cut off Egypt’s gas by unilateral decision within hours. The guard who believed himself a partner discovered he was merely a hireling whose wages stop the moment danger arrives. VI. The Alternative Is Not a Slogan — It Is the Recovery of the Original Function I will not close with an essay on “the solution lies in Arab unity”; worn-out words kill more surely than silence. The alternative is specific, and it begins with redefining the function. The state is not a guard; the state is the agent of its people’s will. Every foreign policy not derived from that will is — by definition — functional servitude, however it is wrapped in the language of wisdom and moderation. And the Egyptian will is known and needs no referendum: no people in this region accepts that its country serve as warden of the siege of Gaza, or as Europe’s border post. Practically, the recovery begins with three measurable steps. Open the Rafah crossing fully and sovereignly, by purely Egyptian decision — that alone would overturn the equation of the siege. Break the negotiating bondage by linking any cooperation on migration to concrete European positions on Palestine, not statements of concern. And open the interior gate — release the prisoners and lift the hand from the written word — because a state that fears an article will never dare face an occupier. I know the current regime will do none of this; guarding is its founding contract and its financial artery. But this article is not written for the regime. It is written for memory, and for the generation that will inherit the gates — so that it knows that what is presented to it today as “the fate of geography” is no fate at all. It is an employment contract, signed by a regime without a mandate from its people. And contracts, however long they run, end when one of their parties does. And the world — I return to where I began — is a witness that requires no further proof. It watched the deportees at Cairo airport; it watched the searched trucks; it watched Warda Abu Shaar carry her son to his grave behind a firmly guarded gate. The question is no longer: what is happening? The only question left is: who dares to name it? This article is a naming. Adham Hasanin is an Egyptian journalist and political writer based in the Netherlands, covering Arab and European political affairs.

🚨❌ Alex Scott and his camp informed Bournemouth about decision to turn down second proposal over new deal. Bournemouth insist to keep the player and open to include a release clause into new contract but no agreement yet. Premier League top clubs, attentive. 👀 https://t.co/7yHTUzDpge #Bournemouth #AlexScott #TransferNews #GB

Die Übernahme von Warner Bros. durch Paramount wird aufgrund einer Klage von zwölf US-Bundesstaaten für zwei Wochen durch einen Gerichtsbeschluss ausgesetzt, während über eine mögliche einstweilige Verfügung gegen den mehr als 100 Milliarden Dollar schweren Deal verhandelt wird, da Bedenken bestehen, dass die Fusion den Wettbewerb im Filmmarkt verzerren könnte. #WarnerÜbernahme #Paramount #Wettbewerb

V článku „Meet the committee to buy Europe“ se zaměřuje na roli významných evropských podnikatelů, jako jsou Andrea Orcel, Xavier Niel a Daniel Kretinsky, kteří se podílejí na fúzích a akvizicích za účelem vytvoření silnějších evropských firem a zlepšení konkurenceschopnosti kontinentu, přičemž každý z nich čelí různým výzvám a odporu ze strany etablovaných institucí a státních orgánů. #Europa #Dealmaking #InternationalePolitiek

Een Amerikaanse federale rechter heeft de voorgenomen overname van Warner Bros. Discovery door Paramount Skydance voorlopig opgeschort om te voorkomen dat de deal wordt afgerond voordat bezwaren van twaalf staten, waaronder Californië, zijn behandeld, waarbij gevreesd wordt voor te veel marktmacht en concurrentievervalsing in de entertainmentindustrie. #Paramount #WarnerBros #Overname

Ein kalifornisches Bundesgericht hat die geplante 111-Milliarden-Dollar-Übernahme von Warner Bros. Discovery durch Paramount vorübergehend gestoppt, nachdem zwölf Bundesstaaten Bedenken hinsichtlich möglicher Preissteigerungen und Qualitätsverlusten geäußert hatten, während die US-Regierung zuvor den Deal ohne Auflagen genehmigt hatte. #WarnerBros #Paramount #Übernahme

🔴🔵🔐 Deal confirmed since last week: Lucas Digne, new Paris Saint-Germain player until June 2029. The release clause was triggered last week with formal steps now in place. Deal 100% done. ➕ https://t.co/xz2gvtE0Dk https://t.co/9WIv1UeTdD #Digne #PSG #TransferNews #FR

📢 | Der BVB ist weiter in der Pole Position bei Konstantinos Karetsas, auch weil man einen zeitlichen Vorsprung hat. Der Transfer wurde vor langer Zeit zur Top-Priorität hochgestuft. Deshalb wird schon seit sehr langer Zeit zusammen an dem Deal gearbeitet. 🗞 @RNBVB https://t.co/9aAQhE5SeN #BVB #TransferNews #Bundesliga

🆕 Des évolutions sont attendues dans le dossier Yan Diomande la semaine prochaine ! 👀 Pour l’instant, il y a de la confiance, mais attention ! 💰 Le PSG pourrait payer moins de 110M€, car Qsi et Red Bull devraient avoir des partenaires et des arrangements sur d’autres projets. Nasser Al-Khelaïfi négocie actuellement avec les propriétaires de Leipzig. 🤝 Le club devra également régler le problème de droits d’images de Yan Diomande, mais cela ne devrait pas remettre en cause la conclusion du deal. 🆕 Le projet du staff avec l’arrivée potentielle de Yan Diomande serait de mettre Doué plus souvent au milieu de terrain. 🗞 Loïc Tanzi via ICI Paris IDF #PSG #Transferts #Football

Σύμφωνα με ισπανικές πηγές το γκρουπ Μαρινάκη δεν πλησίασε ποτέ τα 10 εκατ. fixed + bonuses που ζητάει η Σεβίλλη για τον Όσο και αυτός είναι ο λογος που το deal με τον #OlympiacosFC δεν έχει κλείσει ακόμα.. Πουθενά δεν γράφουν για τον Μεντιλίμπαρ.. προς το παρόν τουλάχιστον! #OlympiacosFC #TransferNews #FootballNews

Very good phone call with @KoretskyiUA. We will continue cooperating closely on reforms that move Ukraine’s EU accession process forward. Our Drone Deal will harness the EU’s industrial strength to produce Ukraine’s most innovative defence equipment at speed and scale. We also #Ukraine #EUAccession #DefenseReform #UA #EU

Článek kritizuje estonskou vládu za omezování svobod občanů prostřednictvím regulací v rámci ekologického Green Dealu, který podle autora představuje plánovanou ekonomiku, jež nahradila svobodný trh politickými zásahy, což vede k poklesu konkurenceschopnosti Evropy na světovém trhu. #ЗеленаяСделка #плановаяэкономика #конкурентоспособность

De Merwedebrug: symbool van omgekeerde prioriteiten Gorinchem, zondag. Terwijl de vrachtwagens die winkels in Nederland moeten bevoorraden omrijden, en het gevloek en gescheld van de chauffeurs bijna hoorbaar is, staat de Merwedebrug er als een vermoeide oude man bij: verboden voor zwaar verkeer omdat het staal in de boogconstructie te zwak is. Onderzoek wees uit dat de brug het gewicht van het verkeer dat een deel van onze economie draaiende houdt niet meer aankan. Een voorzorgsmaatregel, zegt Rijkswaterstaat. Alsof we een land zijn dat zich nog iets kan veroorloven uit voorzorg, met een overheid die miljarden over de balk smijt maar geen geld meer heeft voor het onderhoud van essentiële infrastructuur. En ja, u begrijpt het inderdaad goed, dit is geen pech, dit is geen toeval. Dit is het logische gevolg van jarenlang bewust onze infrastructuur verwaarlozen. Een brug uit de jaren zestig, wekelijks goed voor tienduizenden vrachtwagens, de economische slagader van Zuid-Nederland, is nu ineens te zwak om nog die rol te kunnen vervullen. Ondertussen staan er honderden kilometers file op de alternatieve routes, transporteurs rekenen stevig vloekend hun extra onkosten uit en lokale bedrijven zien hun al krappe marges verdampen. En onze overheid? Die houdt zich van de domme en smijt miljarden over de balk, bijvoorbeeld aan klimaatbeleid. Maar liefst 28-miljard voor een onmeetbare globale temperatuurdaling van 0.00036-graden. Ja, u leest het goed. Miljarden voor een uitkomst van een rekenmodel in Brussel of Den Haag dat ons moet laten geloven dat Nederland de planeet redt. Subsidies voor windmolens die landschappen verminken, zonneparken die vruchtbare akkergrond opvreten, elektrische auto’s die de middenklasse niet kan betalen en import van groente en fruit uit landen waar stikstof nog wordt gebruikt waar het voor bedoeld is: als meststof. Dit is ideologie in zijn zuiverste vorm. Maar een brug onderhouden? Een essentieel onderdeel van onze infrastructuur vervangen voordat het te laat is? Nee, dat is blijkbaar té burgerlijk, té ouderwets, overduidelijk niet visionair genoeg. Klimaat is het nieuwe politieke Mekka, waar het gros van politici en beleidsmakers braaf en diep naar buigen. Essentiële infrastructuur is kennelijk een kostenpost die je zo lang mogelijk kunt doorschuiven, liefst naar de volgende generatie bestuurders. Totdat de boogconstructie van de Merwedebrug piept en kraakt en de truckers ineens tot zondebokken worden verklaard, zelfs beboet worden, omdat ze nog even doorreden met hun kostbare lading. Dit is het Nederland van de omgekeerde prioriteiten. We pompen geld in net-zero-fantasieën die geen enkel meetbaar effect hebben op de globale temperatuur, terwijl de echte economische ruggengraat van ons land: wegen, bruggen, dijken, energie-infrastructuur die wél werkt, langzaam desintegreert. De Papendrechtsebrug ernaast ligt er immers ook al maanden uit. Maar ja, beleidsmakers en politici wijzen naar elkaar en naar de stip op de horizon: die nieuwe brug zou er in 2031 moeten komen. Een paar decennia te laat, en waarschijnlijk is zelfs 2031 niet haalbaar omdat de stikstofregels en de Europese Green Deal het niet toelaten. De transportsector, de boeren, de bouwers en de gewone Nederlander die gewoon wil werken en zijn handelswaar of spullen wil verplaatsen, betalen de prijs. Letterlijk. Meer kosten, meer congestie, meer frustratie. En de Haagse elite? Die vliegt businessclass naar klimaatconferenties of zet miljarden opzij om op zee nog meer windturbines te plaatsen, ondanks onderzoek dat deze wiebelstroom absoluut niet betrouwbaar is. Veiligheid? Onderhoud? Dat is voor mensen die niet begrijpen dat de toekomst van Nederland groen en elektrisch is, en daarvoor moet alles wijken, zo denkt men in Den Haag. De Merwedebrug is geen incident. Het is de wrange realisatie dat Nederland de pragmatische houding die ons land groot heeft gemaakt heeft ingeruild voor een ideologisch sprookje. Een land waar de bruggen letterlijk en figuurlijk piepen en kraken onder het gewicht van de werkelijkheid, terwijl men in Den Haag nog steeds droomt van de schouderklopjes die men internationaal zal krijgen als Nederland de felbegeerde status CO2-neutraal behaalt. Het is de hoogste tijd om wakker te worden. Stop met de absurde miljardenverspilling aan ideologische doelen die niet haalbaar zijn, die ons land financieel de nek omdraaien. Onderhoud eerst wat er écht toe doet: de infrastructuur die ons land draaiende houdt, de economische ruggengraat van ons land. Anders rijden we straks niet alleen om via de A15, maar rijden wij met z’n allen rechtstreeks de afgrond in. Bron: https://t.co/WznNU9Z7j5 #infrastructuur #transport #politiek

Les Hawks récupèrent donc Lu Dort et Ryan Nembhard (à ne pas confondre avec Andrew), et font de la place dans la banque : à un an d’une éventuelle renégociation avec Zaccharie Risacher, Atlanta coupe les ponts et pourra se libérer du deal de Lu Dort. Été 2027 attention Atlanta. #NBA #Hawks #Basketball

🚨🇦🇷 Alejandro Garnacho gives priority to AS Roma as potential next destination with talks ongoing with Chelsea. Deal depends on club to club talks as Chelsea insist on permanent/guaranteed exit, Roma offer loan with buy clause to become mandatory. https://t.co/jg6cGpU2gu #Garnacho #ASRoma #Chelsea #IT #GB #AR