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Cassiopeia responded to the descriptions that she is "exalted," pointing out that for years she has been engaged in a debate on platform X with key Israeli politicians. She wrote that in an interview for tvn24, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett spoke about the involvement of Poles in the murder and handing over of Jews and about members of his family — his mother and two children — who were said to have been killed by Polish teenagers in Łuków near Siedlce in November 1944 after five years of fleeing from the Germans. Bennett also reportedly spoke about around 200,000 similar families. Cassiopeia stated that she checked the history of the Łuków county. According to her, on 4 and 7 September 1939, the bombing of Łuków killed about 260 Poles and Jews, and on 18 September 1939, the Wehrmacht, in retaliation for alleged shots fired at a German car, executed 34 people in Narutowicz Square and on the streets, and set houses on fire. She also wrote that on 5 October 1940, in Serokomla and Hordzieża, the Wehrmacht and SS executed 28 farmers from Serokomla and 4 Polish soldiers. She described the pacification that took place on 14 April 1940, conducted in retaliation for the alleged murder of the German settler Adolf Käsner's family. The SS, Gestapo from Radzyń and Lublin, and Selbstschutz, including local German colonists, were said to have gathered the residents of Józefów, Bronisławów, Zakęp, Serokomla, Hordzieża, Bielany, Rudy, Wólka, and other villages. According to Cassiopeia, about 215 Poles, including women and children, were executed, and 27 farms were burned. Cassiopeia attributed the extermination of Jews in Łuków county in 1942-43 to the Germans and Ukrainian auxiliary formations. She stated that during the operation from 5-8 October 1942, the gendarmerie, the 101st Reserve Police Battalion, Ukrainians, Latvians, and Lithuanians surrounded the ghetto, and about 4,000 to 5,000 people were gathered at the marketplace on Międzyrzecka Street. About 500 people were said to have died on the spot, including patients from the hospital; children were thrown from the floors onto the pavement, and the rest were taken to Treblinka. She also mentioned the executions in Malcanów on 7 November 1942, including 80-200 children under 5-6 years old, and the execution of 500-600 Jews in December 1942 "to reduce employment." According to her entry, on 2 May 1943, the ghetto in Łuków was liquidated, part of the buildings were set on fire, and 2,000-3,000 people were taken to Treblinka; those hiding were shot for weeks afterward. Cassiopeia also described the liquidation of the ghetto in Stoczek Łukowski on 12 September 1942, where about 3,500 people were to be involved in the action, and about 200 were murdered in the march to Parysów. In Serokomla on 22 September 1942, according to her, about 200-300 Jews were shot at the gravel pit; on 15 October in Krzywda, about 150-240 people died, in the fall of 1942 in Okrzeja about 90-113, on 10 October in Grochówka about 70, and on 28 December in Wola Okrzejska 36, mostly women and children. She added that Jews from Adamów, Wojcieszków, Tuchowicz, Gułów, Stanin, Ulan, and other places were driven to Łuków or shot on the spot, especially the elderly, sick, and those hiding. Among the executions of Poles for helping the AK and NSZ and hiding Jews from 1942-1944, she mentioned the killing of 24 people, including small children, in Budziska and Krzówka on 22 September 1942; 29 people, including 9 children aged from 2 months to 14 years, in Gręzówka on 28 December 1942; and 38 people, including 8 children, in Lędza Wielka on 5 February 1943. She also pointed out crimes in Oszczepalin, Rola, Wojcieszków, Feliksin, Wola Kisielska, Jamielnik, and other places where from a few to several people were dying. She wrote that on 24 July 1944, the Germans bombed Łuków for a week during their retreat, destroying the town center, Cieszkowizna, and Glinki, burning a large part of the city and causing the death of over 200 Poles. She stated that in the materials she cited, she found no information about "Polish teenagers" mentioned by Bennett. In the end, Cassiopeia wrote that although — as she assessed — half of Poland does not feel obliged to support her school, she hopes that at least some people will appreciate her work as a history teacher, which she has been doing for a decade. https://t.co/uYX0ELCMFj #Historia #Polska #Holokaust (translated)

In June 1941, Jeanne Robert, a 26-year-old schoolteacher in the North, informed the Allies that the Gestapo was waiting for her at the school's exit. She had fled to Gers, where she resumed teaching while continuing the resistance, according to the account. In October 1943, once again pursued, she had to leave for London, where she gave birth. https://t.co/6heI1e3YP0 #Histoire #Résistance #SecondeGuerreMondiale (translated)

The President wrote that the police tracked down a man in Borowski's office, whom she identified as a troublemaker from the Constitutional Tribunal. According to her account, he did not open the door, the police broke a window, there was a scuffle, and the man lost consciousness. The author criticized the reaction of Sakiewicz, Macierewicz, Gliński, Jakubiak, Fogel, Schab, and Gosek. She wrote that on the air of Res Publica comparisons to Gestapo and ZOMO were made, as well as accusations of banditry and regime rule. Gosek was said to have talked about lawlessness because parliamentary documents were present in the office. According to the President, Macierewicz called for the defense of Nawrocki and participation in the event the following day, saying that the elections need to be won. The President added that on the air it was said that such situations had never occurred during their rule. She wondered whether the interlocutors actually believed that or hoped that people had forgotten. #Polska #polityka #aktywizacja (translated)

Gavin N. Harris wrote that it is currently easy to stand on the right side: people supporting Ukraine are not in danger of arrest by the Gestapo, NKVD, Stasi, or StB, nor of losing their jobs. Nevertheless, according to him, many people backed down, even though there was no pressure on them. #Ukrajina #svoboda #morálka (translated)

The author of the post informed about a scuffle outside the Constitutional Tribunal and wrote that the police were dismantling the barriers. According to him, the protesters were shouting insults at the officers, including comparing them to the Gestapo. https://t.co/mH5UpI6T4l #Polska #protest #demokracja #PL (translated)

The song of the Liberation fighters retraced the journey of Yseult Saulnier, mentioning the atrocities of the Gestapo in Prague as early as 1940, her commitment to the Resistance within a German service in Lyon, three months in Montluc and a year in Ravensbrück. According to the account, the most painful ordeal was leaving her baby, born in prison; victory had brought them together. https://t.co/jcItaDJR2g #Résistance #Histoire #Libération (translated)

83 years ago today, Willi Graf, a member of the White Rose and a student at LMU, was murdered by the Nazis after 8 months in custody. During his imprisonment, he remained silent despite relentless interrogations and torture by the Gestapo. In doing so, he saved the lives of many who battled Hitler.

Daniel Schatz wrote that demonstrators in Sweden on the anniversary of October 7 openly praised mass murder, violence, terror, and Hamas. In Gothenburg, demonstrators allegedly waved Hamas flags and images of Yahya Sinwar and Abu Obeida according to him. In Stockholm, demonstrators participated in a march, according to Schatz, with a sign where the word "Gaza" was designed to associate with the sign "Arbeit macht frei" at Auschwitz. He also described a man in a Gestapo-like leather coat, with a bundle of banknotes and a bloody mask depicting Benjamin Netanyahu, as the leader of the group. Schatz wrote that such comparisons constituted antisemitism according to the IHRA definition, which Sweden had adopted. He claimed that similar incidents had been ongoing for three years, despite politicians saying that the fight against antisemitism was a top priority, and questioned when the police and judicial system would intervene. #Antisemitism #Sverige #Hamas (translated)

The author of the article accused Hape Kerkeling of portraying his grandfather in a speech in the Thuringian state parliament as a victim of National Socialism and of dramatically equating his imprisonment in Buchenwald with that of persecuted Jews. According to the author, Kerkeling concealed the reasons for his grandfather's imprisonment, Hermann Anton Kerkeling. According to the article, Hermann Anton Kerkeling was sentenced to eight years in a correctional facility in October 1933 for 17 counts of livestock and property theft during the economic crisis. Shortly thereafter, an additional year was added for preparation for high treason, among other things in connection with the communist pamphlet Rote Welle. He served his sentence in Münster, Papenburg, and Bremen. After that, the Gestapo ordered protective custody in Münster in May 1942. On July 2, 1942, Kerkeling was brought to Buchenwald as a political prisoner with the number 6117. He worked in the effects chamber and remained in Nazi custody until the liberation of the camp on April 11, 1945 – a total of about twelve years. He died in Recklinghausen in 1993 at the age of 91. The author described him as an active communist and gang thief, not as a typical victim of National Socialism. #Geschichte #Nationalsozialismus #Erinnerung (translated)

The Fighters of Liberation recounted that Jean-Claude Camors had pretended to be a fisherman in order to reach London. The BCRA had deemed him too tall and too recognizable, but he insisted and led a network. According to the account, the Gestapo arrested him on October 11, 1943. Wounded, he had run to get rid of what he was carrying before collapsing. At the age of 23, he was never seen again. https://t.co/nE3zpMSkA1 #Histoire #Résistance #SecondeGuerreMondiale (translated)

Kazimierz Moczarski, a captain of the Polish Army and author of Conversations with the Executioner, was sent to West Berlin in 1963 to persuade Irena Chmielewicz, a former Gestapo employee and informant for the Polish underground, to cooperate with the PRL counterintelligence. #KazimierzMoczarski #HistoriaPolski #Gestapo (translated)

The author of the contribution stated that people remembered nearly five thousand falconers who, according to him, sacrificed their lives in the anti-Nazi resistance, fought in legions for the creation of Czechoslovakia, or later resisted communist totalitarianism. He also wrote that the Gestapo arrested approximately 1,500 people during the "Falcon Action" on the night of October 7 to 8, 1941. https://t.co/0AwXNcYtSN #historie #Československo #odboj #CZ (translated)

Cassiopeia asked Magda Biejat, who — as she wrote — had participated the day before in the inauguration of the Days of Memory of Pawiak, whether the Days of Memory of Mokotów are also planned. She claimed that in Mokotów, Poles who had previously avoided the crimes of the Gestapo, NKVD, and Banderites were killed. Among those she mentioned were Capt. Witold Pilecki, Gen. August Emil Fieldorf "Nil," Maj. Zygmunt Szendzielarz "Łupaszka," Maj. Hieronim Dekutowski "Zapora," and Col. Łukasz Ciepliński "Pług." She added that there were hundreds of victims. Cassiopeia called for reminding the perpetrators and accomplices of the crimes in Mokotów during such commemorations. She mentioned, in this context, among others, Józef Goldberg, Izydor Kurc, Adam Umer, Anatol Fejgin, Izaak Fleischfarb, Józef Dusza, Jerzy Kaskiewicz, and Jerzy Kędziora, referring to them as UB officers. To support her post, she cited the account of Maria Hattowska, a lieutenant of the AK and WiN and a cipher clerk, who described her interrogation and brutal beating. According to the cited testimony, Hattowska suffered serious injuries, and after the beating, she could not have children. Cassiopeia wrote that in the UB torture house in Mokotów, the Gestapo could have "taken lessons." The author of the post warned that the truth may be forgotten when people are afraid to look at it. She asked the audience to share the post, comment, and support the person she indicated who deals with history. https://t.co/uYX0ELCMFj #Pamięć #Historia #Mokotów (translated)

The fighters of liberation wrote that Marie Bonnouvrier taught in a school located at 7, rue Saint-Ferdinand, in Paris, and lived at 37, where a Resistance hideout had been located since 1940. According to the report, the Gestapo had shown up there on April 9, 1944. Tortured, she revealed nothing, then, deported, refused to work and sabotaged the factory. She did not return. https://t.co/9slISl1M8c #Histoire #Résistance #Mémoire (translated)

Rok Ravnikar stated that labeling parliamentary investigations as "political police" is mockery of the victims of totalitarian regimes. Among the political police, he included the Gestapo, Securitate, Stasi, AVO, UDBA, KGB, Santebal, Mukhabarat, DINA, and DSA. He added that, in his opinion, those who loudly used this term while glorifying the slogans or leaders of these systems acted perversely. He called for the development of democratic awareness and culture so that people could correctly name phenomena and recognize and reject totalitarian attempts in various forms. #politika #demokracija #totalitarizem (translated)

The cook described a call to the ARD press club as one of the strongest ever. The caller Rainer was 73 years old; his grandmother was Jewish and his grandfather was a Prussian communist. Koch wrote that the Gestapo had broken his grandfather's bones in prison because he was a member of the Red Aid. Rainer reminded that every person – even those politically uncomfortable – has the right to a lawyer and that this is a fundamental principle of the rule of law. Regarding the growing anti-Semitism, he said it was not the left in Berlin that fueled it, but the Israeli government. He also demanded that Benjamin Netanyahu and his far-right government members be discussed. Koch highlighted Rainer's life experience and family history and praised his clarity in the heated debate. #Rechtsstaat #Antisemitismus #ARD (translated)

Democracy Didi criticized that the Federal Republic is not drawing the right conclusions from its recent history with two totalitarian regimes. He pointed to what he sees as contradictory restrictions on freedom of opinion and assembly, such as police visits due to a wrongly circulated post or bans on gatherings due to the risk of a cold. He also contrasted the rejection of the Gestapo and Stasi with the existence of a domestic intelligence service and criticized restrictions on same-sex expressions of affection in public. He cited the conflict between property rights and social housing needs, as well as the potential closeness of prosecutors to a Minister of the Interior as further examples. Given German history, he wrote, this makes no sense to him. #Meinungsfreiheit #Grundrechte #Totalitarismus (translated)